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Our readers often ask us, what is Marxism-Leninism? Is it possible to talk about it briefly, perhaps not in one article, but at least in two or three, in order to have a general idea of this science?
The editors of Rabochiy Put decided to prepare such material, the size of a small brochure, since there are countless bourgeois and opportunist speculations on this topic, and it can be difficult for our younger generation to understand where the truth is and where the lies are. In preparing the material, sources were used from that period of the USSR, when Marxism-Leninism was not just a beautiful wrapper for party officials, but really was a guide to action, thanks to which the Great USSR was built.
MARXISM-LENINISM
Marxism-Leninism- the science of the laws of development of nature and society, of the revolution of the oppressed and exploited masses, of the victory of socialism in all countries, of the construction of a communist society. The creators of Marxism-Leninism are the great leaders and teachers of the proletariat of the whole world K. Marx, F. Engels, V. I. Lenin, I. V. Stalin.
Marxism-Leninism is a harmonious, integral, consistent scientific worldview of communist and workers' parties, the working class of all countries. The main components of Marxism-Leninism, organically interconnected, are dialectical and historical materialism, economic doctrine and the theory of scientific communism. Attempts to dismember Marxism-Leninism, to recognize only some part and deny others have always led to a distortion of Marxist-Leninist teaching. Main in Marxism-Leninism - doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat, without the establishment of which it is impossible to build a communist society.
Marxism as the ideology of the liberation movement of the proletariat, the scientific expression of its fundamental interests, arose in the 40s. In the 19th century, when the capitalist system emerged in the countries of Western Europe, class contradictions between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat intensified, and the proletariat entered the arena of political struggle as an independent force. In the 30s and 40s. XIX century the first major uprisings of the proletarian masses take place: the uprising of Lyon weavers in France, the mass political movement workers in England - Chartism, and the uprising of Silesian weavers in Germany. Despite the heroism shown by the workers in these actions, the proletariat, as a class, had not yet realized its great historical role, did not clearly understand his fundamental goals and objectives, did not know by what means to achieve them. His performances during this period were predominantly spontaneous, scattered in nature.
The creators of the systems of utopian socialism R. Owen in England, A. Saint-Simon and C. Fourier in France and others could not give the proletariat ideological weapons to fight against capitalism. The utopian socialists did not understand the laws of social development and took the position of idealism in explaining social phenomena, could not indicate ways to liberate workers from exploitation. Utopian socialists saw in the proletariat only the most disadvantaged and suffering class, not understanding its revolutionary and transformative role. Utopian socialists tried to convince the ruling, exploiting classes of the immorality of exploitation; they did not understand the need for the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat in order to overthrow the power of the capitalists and create a new social system. Before the emergence of scientific communism, the liberation movement of the working people and socialist systems developed separately from each other, which determined their mutual weakness.
The proletariat, which entered the arena of the liberation struggle, needed a strictly scientific socialist ideology. His consistent, revolutionary, organized struggle was impossible without revolutionary theory. Such a theory could only be created on the basis of a generalization of the experience of the revolutionary struggle, as a result of a huge scientific work, which was done by K. Marx and F. Engels. The greatest merit of K. Marx and F. Engels was that they scientifically substantiated the world-historical role of the proletariat as the gravedigger of capitalism and the creator of a new, communist society. K. Marx and F. Engels pointed out to the proletarians of all countries their task, their calling: to rise first in the struggle against capitalism, to unite all the exploited around them in this struggle and to bring this struggle to complete victory over the bourgeoisie, to the creation of a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the building of communism . They were the creators of a truly scientific, revolutionary worldview, and developed the program and tactics of scientific communism.
The birthplace of Marxism was Germany, where in the 40s. XIX century The center of the revolutionary movement has shifted. A bourgeois revolution was then brewing in Germany, which was to take place in a historical situation different from the conditions in which the bourgeois revolutions took place in England and France (XVII-XVIII centuries). The German proletariat was the only revolutionary force capable of waging a consistent struggle against the dominant Germany has a monarchical system. Therefore, the bourgeois revolution in Germany could appear, as K. Marx and F. Engels believed, as a direct prologue to the proletarian revolution. Marxism was created on the basis of a generalization of the experience of the proletarian movement of all countries and became the ideology of the world proletariat.
The emergence of Marxism was a great revolutionary revolution in philosophy, economics and historical science and other areas social sciences. K. Marx and F. Engels critically reworked and used all the best that human thought had created before them.
“...The whole genius of Marx lies precisely in this:- wrote V.I. Lenin in the article “Three Sources and Three Components of Marxism”, - that he gave answers to questions that the advanced thought of mankind has already raised. His teaching arose as direct and immediate continuation the teachings of the greatest representatives of philosophy, political economy and socialism. - Marx's teaching is omnipotent because it is true. It is complete and harmonious, giving people a complete worldview, irreconcilable with any superstition, with any reaction, with any defense of bourgeois oppression. It is the legitimate successor to the best that humanity created in the 19th century in the person of German philosophy, English political economy, French socialism.”(Works, 4th ed. vol. 19, pp. 3-4).
Being essentially a creative teaching and being inextricably linked with life, with revolutionary practice, Marxism is continuously developing and enriching itself on the basis of generalizing the new experience of the class struggle of the proletariat, new data in the development of sciences.
First program document Marxism was the “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” written by K. Marx and F. Engels in 1848. In this work, the main tenets of Marxism were set out with exceptional depth and power, a scientific justification was given for the inevitable death of the capitalist system and its replacement with a socialist system, and the world-wide the historical role of the proletariat as the gravedigger of capitalism and the creator of communist society, the idea of a socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat was proclaimed. For half a century, K. Marx and F. Engels developed and comprehensively developed Marxist science, enriching Marxism with new experience of the class struggle of the working class and all working people, providing answers to questions posed by the practice of revolutionary struggle, and theoretically generalizing the achievements of natural science. As a result of enormous theoretical work, K. Marx and F. Engels created works of genius that are a great source of knowledge of the objective laws of development human society and nature: “Class struggle in France from 1848 to 1850”, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte”, “Towards a critique of political economy”, “Capital”, “The Civil War in France”, “Critique of the Gotha Program”, etc., written by K. Marx; “The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science”, “Anti-Dühring”, “The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State”, “Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy”, etc., written by F. Engels.
K. Marx and F. Engels inextricably linked revolutionary theory with revolutionary practice. "Marx's Doctrine", - wrote V.I. Lenin, - connected the theory and practice of class struggle into one inseparable whole"(Works, 4th ed., vol. 12, p. 86). Marxism places above all else, as V.I. Lenin pointed out, that the working class heroically, selflessly, and proactively creates world history.
K. Marx and F. Engels were the organizers of the first international communist organizations of the proletariat: the Union of Communists and International Partnership workers - the 1st International, led the labor movement of all countries for decades. K. Marx and F. Engels enthusiastically welcomed the revolutionary initiative of the workers and toilers of Paris in 1871, who for the first time in the world seized power into their own hands, creating Paris Commune.
In the 2nd half of the 19th century. Marxism became widespread in the working class, triumphed over petty-bourgeois trends in the labor movement, over all directions of pre-scientific socialism. Slowly but steadily there was a process of gathering the forces of the proletariat, preparing it for the coming revolutionary battles.
But the dialectics of history is as follows, V.I. pointed out. Lenin that the theoretical victory of Marxism makes its enemies dress up as Marxists. Internally rotten bourgeois liberalism manifested itself in the form opportunism V socialist parties. The opportunists began to interpret the period of preparing forces for great battles in the sense of abandoning these battles. In the working-class movement of Europe and America, after the death of K. Marx and F. Engels, a whole period of actual domination of the opportunism of the Second International began, whose leaders in words recognized Marxism, but in reality trivialized and distorted it. The opportunists preached “social peace,” renounced the class struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, the socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, and distorted the economic and philosophical teachings of Marxism. The social democratic parties of Western Europe and America turned from parties of social revolution into parties of social reforms and became an appendage and servicing apparatus of their parliamentary factions. (Modern analogue in Russia - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. — approx. ed. RP)
The banner of revolutionary Marxism was raised high and carried further by the leader of the Russian and international proletariat V.I. Lenin - the greatest theoretician of Marxism, the successor of the teachings of K. Marx and F. Engels, the founder of the Communist Party and the world's first socialist state.
V.I. Lenin revealed the social roots of opportunism, subjected it to merciless criticism, and showed its harmfulness for the labor movement. V.I. Lenin exposed the leaders of the parties of the Second International as agents of the bourgeoisie in the working class, as accomplices in the atrocities and crimes of the imperialist bourgeoisie. (Russian leftists and “communists” who actively help the Russian imperialist bourgeoisie in the South-East of Ukraine can be characterized in the same way. - RP editor’s note).
The irreconcilable struggle of V.I. Lenin and his supporters against opportunism was of enormous international significance. Exposing V.I. For Lenin, the ideological and organizational attitudes of opportunists of all stripes, hostile to Marxism, were of invaluable importance for the development of the revolutionary movement in all countries.
K. Marx and F. Engels led the struggle of the proletariat and developed revolutionary theory during the period of pre-monopoly capitalism, when the proletarian revolution was not yet a direct practical inevitability. V. I. Lenin’s activities took place during the period of imperialism, when the contradictions of capitalism reached their extreme limits, and the proletarian revolution became a matter of immediate practice.
With the advent of the era of imperialism, the center of the world revolutionary movement moved to Russia. Russia became the birthplace of Leninism, and its creator and leader of the Russian working class, V.I. Lenin, became the leader and teacher of the international proletariat.
In his outstanding works “What are “friends of the people” and how do they fight against the social democrats?”, “What to do?”, “One step forward, two steps back”, “Two tactics of social democracy in the democratic revolution”, “Materialism” and empirio-criticism", "On the slogan of the United States of Europe", " Military program proletarian revolution”, “Imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism”, “State and revolution”, “Proletarian revolution and the renegade Kautsky”, “The childhood disease of “leftism” in communism” and many others, V. I. Lenin developed and raised them to a new, the highest level of Marxist revolutionary theory, showing the working class, the working people of Russia and the whole world, the path of a victorious struggle for their liberation.
The greatest historical merit of V.I. Lenin lies in the fact that he, having perfect command of the dialectical method, defended and defended Marxism from all the distortions of the revisionists, brilliantly developed Marxist teaching, enriched it with new conclusions and provisions. V.I. Lenin constantly, at every new turn in history, connected Marxism with certain practical tasks of the era, showing with his creative approach to the theories of K. Marx and F. Engels that Marxism is not a dead dogma, but a living guide to action. V.I. Lenin developed all the components of Marxism: dialectical and historical materialism, economic teaching, scientific communism.
K. Marx and F. Engels, studying pre-imperialist capitalism, came to the conclusion that the socialist revolution cannot win in one single country, that it can only win simultaneously in all or most civilized countries. This conclusion was correct in the conditions of the mid-19th century.
V.I. Lenin, giving a deep Marxist analysis of imperialism as the last stage of capitalism and relying on the law of uneven economic and political development capitalism in the era of imperialism, did great scientific discovery: formulated and substantiated the brilliant conclusion about the possibility of breaking the chain of world imperialism at its most weak link, the conclusion about the possibility of the victory of socialism initially in a few or even in one individual capitalist country, developed a new theory of socialist revolution. This new, Leninist theory of socialist revolution was brilliantly confirmed in the Great October Socialist Revolution, in the victory of socialism in the USSR. In the famous April Theses (1917), V.I. Lenin made another important discovery, which enriched Marxist theory - he saw in the revolutionary creativity of the proletarian masses the best political form dictatorship of the proletariat - the Republic of Soviets.
Leninism there is Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution, the era of the victory of socialism in the USSR and the construction of socialism in the countries of people's democracy, the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular. Leninism is an international teaching of the proletarians of all countries, a generalization of the experience of the world revolutionary movement. The fundamentals of the theory and tactics of Leninism are suitable and binding for communist and workers' parties in all countries.
In the irreconcilable struggle against opportunism within the Russian and international labor movement, on the granite basis of Marxism, V. I. Lenin created a party of a new type - the Communist Party Soviet Union- irreconcilable in relation to opportunism, revolutionary in relation to the bourgeoisie, united and monolithic party of the social revolution. Until 1953, the CPSU was the leading, guiding and guiding force of Soviet society building communism.
Summarizing the rich experience of socialist construction in the USSR and the experience of the international liberation movement, I. V. Stalin in his works “On the Foundations of Leninism”, “The October Revolution and the Tactics of Russian Communists”, “On Questions of Leninism”, “Once again on the Social Democratic Deviation in our party”, “The international character of the October Revolution”, “The national question and Leninism”, “On issues of agrarian policy in the USSR”, “On dialectical and historical materialism”, “Marxism and issues of linguistics”, “ Economic problems socialism in the USSR” and others creatively developed the Marxist-Leninist teaching in relation to new historical conditions and in a number of issues significantly enriched the revolutionary theory with new provisions. J.V. Stalin made a valuable contribution to the development of such sections of Marxist theory as the doctrine of the party, the class struggle of the proletarian revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the national question, the laws of development of socialism and communism, and the economic laws of modern capitalism.
Guided by Marxist-Leninist theory and relying on knowledge of objective economic laws, the CPSU until 1953 pursued a scientifically and practically proven policy reflecting the needs of the development of the material life of society, the fundamental interests of the people, and achieved the transformation of the USSR into a powerful socialist power. It acted as the “Shock Brigade” of the international labor and revolutionary movement.
The victory of socialism in the USSR had a decisive influence on the course of world history. Based on the experience of the CPSU, using the example Soviet people communist and workers' parties, workers of all countries learned to implement the great ideas of Marxism-Leninism. Now, after the death of the USSR, they are learning from the mistakes of the CPSU, having seen firsthand what tragic consequences a retreat from Marxism-Leninism and replacing it with revisionism can lead to.
The strength and vitality of Marxism, the danger of retreat from it, have been confirmed throughout historical development. All attempts by reactionary forces to destroy Marxism failed completely, because Marxism is the ideology of the proletariat and it cannot be destroyed, just as the working class cannot be destroyed. Each new period in world history will bring new victories to Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is a powerful ideological weapon, the invincible banner of the working people of the whole world in their struggle for peace, democracy and socialism.
IN Soviet period Russian religious philosophy was opposed to scientific Marxist-Leninist philosophy, interpreted as the science of the most general laws nature, society and knowledge. Marxism-Leninism was postulated as a worldview and theory covering all aspects of existence, consistent with the data of science, socio-political practice, containing answers to all questions or including methods by which these answers can be found. The purpose of the philosopher was to implement this ideologeme from the point of view of studying patterns and refinement, specification in relation to the changing conditions of certain parts of the project. In Soviet philosophy, a significant limitation was imposed on the results of philosophical work - they had to be presented as corresponding to Marxist-Leninist theory.
The reduction of philosophical research began in Russia in the 30s, after organized by I.V. Stalin's speeches against A.M. Deborina (Ioffe), N.A. Kareev and others who received the ideological label of “Menshevik idealists.” The ideological commitment of Russian philosophy intensified in connection with the publication of Stalin’s work “On Dialectical and Historical Materialism” (1938), declared the “pinnacle” of Marxist philosophy. The philosophical debate of 1947 further aggravated the position of philosophy and philosophers in the country. Philosophy, degenerating into a politicized phenomenon, largely became, under the conditions of the cult of personality, an instrument of the totalitarian regime. At the same time, even in such conditions, a number of philosophers were able to carry out positive work. This is, first of all, B.M. Kedrov (1903-1985) in the field of philosophical problems of natural science (history of chemical atomism, periodic law of D.I. Mendeleev, psychology of scientific creativity, classification of sciences, theory of dialectics, philosophical and methodological problems modern sciences(chemistry, physics, biology), science, scientific and technological revolution, problems of the relationship between philosophy and natural science). In the development of the history of philosophy, the significant merits of V.F. Asmus (1894-1975) and A.F. Loseva (1893-1988).
In the 60s, conditions were created to expand research topics and deepen the approach to topical issues philosophical science. The range of studies of problems of materialist dialectics, theory of knowledge, dialectical logic, methodology and logic of science has seriously expanded in the works of E.V. Ilyenkova, M.M. Rosenthal, P.V. Kopnina, G.S. Batishcheva, B.S. Bibler and others. A domestic scientific methodology is being formed, in which systemic concepts and dialectics were synthesized, and a systematic research method was developed. Philosophical understanding of the latest discoveries in physics, cosmology, biology, cybernetics and other specific sciences is given in the works of philosophers I.V. Kuznetsova, M.E. Omelyanovsky and naturalists P.K. Anokhina, B.L. Astaurova, D.K. Belyaeva, A.I. Berga, P.L. Kapitsa, N.N. Semenova, V.A. Foka, V.A. Engelhardt. Philosophical questions of psychological science were fruitfully developed through the efforts of B.G. Ananyeva, D.N. Uznadze, A.N. Leontyeva, A.R. Luria, S.L. Rubinstein. The study of historical philosophical problems in the research of A.S. Bogomolova, T.I. Oizerman. Western philosophy was studied in a critical manner. The contribution of philosophy of the Soviet period to the development of problems of epistemology, theory of consciousness, to the study of the problem of the ideal and the problem of man is significant. Despite the existing system of ideological prohibitions, social reality was also studied.
An essential feature of Soviet philosophy, which developed under the banner of scientificism, was its desire for systematicity. The ability to construct systematically was highly valued in society and was developed by the system of philosophical education. Ontological constructions had a very prominent place in Soviet philosophy. The thesis about the knowability of the world was one of the cornerstones of dialectical materialism. The combination of the collective and the individual at all levels was considered not only as an ideal, but as a completely achievable and largely achieved state.
Some researchers associate the prospects of Russian philosophy with the continuation of Russian religious philosophy, others with the transformation of Russian mentality in the spirit of the “civilized” world, and still others count on the renaissance of Marxism, forced to survive in qualitatively new conditions, thanks to more refined and original forms.
Modern domestic philosophy is characterized by a process of internationalization, expressed in contacts with foreign philosophers, in the massive entry of Western terminology into the language of domestic philosophy.
The process of active involvement of ideas and concepts of the Russian philosophical heritage in those areas in which foreign authorities dominated is gaining momentum.
The third trend in the development of Russian philosophy is the implementation of ideas and approaches that were formed or originated in the bosom of dialectical and historical materialism.
The revival of Russian philosophy is possible only in conditions of real freedom of philosophical conscience. Every person should have the right to express and defend materialistic and idealistic views if he came to them and shares them. He should have the opportunity to communicate with like-minded people and express his views publicly. Only under these conditions will Russian philosophy become a truly living concept, internally cleansed of foreign inclusions.
Deep understanding of the national philosophical heritage - important factor formation historical memory, high moral culture, understanding of the decisive significance of humanistic values in the modern world.
Questions for self-control
1.What are the specifics of philosophical thought of the Soviet period?
3.What is the meaning of materialist dialectics
4. What is historical materialism?
5 What new was developed in the field of philosophy of science during the Soviet period of development of Russian philosophy (logic, ethics, aesthetics, history of philosophy)?
A comprehensive analysis of the new stage of world history allowed Lenin to identify the enormous possibilities of the revolutionary movement in the era of imperialism. Based on his research on imperialism, Vladimir Ilyich further develops the Marxist doctrine of the socialist revolution, its content, driving forces, conditions and forms of development in a new historical era. He proved that the war accelerated the growth of the preconditions for revolution and that the world capitalist system as a whole was already ripe for the transition to socialism.
As is known, Engels, in his work “Principles of Communism” (1847), gave a negative answer to the question about the possibility of carrying out a socialist revolution in one country. Based on the fact that the world market and large industry have equalized “social development in all civilized countries,” Engels concluded: “... Communist revolution... will happen simultaneously in all civilized countries, i.e., according to at least, in England, America, France and Germany." Subsequently, Marx and Engels, analyzing the objective and subjective prerequisites of the proletarian revolution in various capitalist countries, the degree of maturity of the capitalist system as a whole for the transition to socialism, concretized and clarified their views on the prospects and course of the socialist revolution. However, Marx and Engels did not and could not raise the question of the possibility of the victory of socialism in one country in the conditions of pre-monopoly capitalism...
Lenin's great merit lies in the fact that, creatively developing the teachings of Marx and Engels in new historical conditions, in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolutions, he came to the most important conclusion - the possibility of the victory of socialism initially in a few countries, or even in one country, and not necessarily in a highly developed country economically. Lenin made this conclusion on the basis of the law he discovered of the uneven economic and political development of capitalism in the era of imperialism, which inevitably leads to different times in the maturation of socialist revolutions in various countries. Lenin first formulated his conclusion in the article “On the Slogan of the United States of Europe,” written in August 1915.
“The unevenness of economic and political development,” he wrote in this article, “is an unconditional law of capitalism. It follows that the victory of socialism is possible initially in a few or even in one individual capitalist country. The victorious proletariat of this country, having expropriated the capitalists and organized socialist production in its own country, would stand up against the rest of the capitalist world, attracting to itself the oppressed classes of other countries” 1 .
From these provisions of Lenin it follows that already in 1915 he clearly understood the coming split of the world into two opposing systems: socialism and capitalism as a result of the victory of the socialist revolution, initially in one or several countries.
In another article, “The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution,” written in September 1916, Vladimir Ilyich develops and deeply substantiates his conclusion about the prospects for the socialist revolution in the era of imperialism and the conditions for its victory.
“The development of capitalism takes place in highest degree unevenly in different countries. It cannot be otherwise in commodity production. Hence the indisputable conclusion: socialism cannot win in all countries at the same time. He won initially in one or several countries, and the rest will remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois for some time.” 2
V.I. Lenin pointed out that the victorious proletariat must be ready to repel the military attacks of world imperialism on the socialist state. “In these cases,” he wrote, “war on our part would be legal and fair.”
Lenin's teaching on the possibility of the victory of socialism initially in one country or several countries, which is a model creative development revolutionary Marxism, was greatest discovery in Marxist science.
V.I. Lenin exposed the anti-Marxist essence of Trotsky’s views, who denied the possibility of the victory of the socialist revolution initially in one country. Lenin also criticized Pyatakov, who defined the socialist revolution as “the united action of the proletarians of all countries.”
Lenin's teaching on the possibility of the victory of socialism, initially in one country or several countries, was a guiding star for the working class in its struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism. It opened up the possibility for the working class and Marxist parties of each country to take the initiative in the revolutionary overthrow of the bourgeoisie in their countries.
In the works “The Defeat of Russia and the Revolutionary Crisis”, “Several Theses”, “On Two Lines of Revolution” and others, Vladimir Ilyich develops the idea he previously formulated about the development of a bourgeois-democratic resolution into a socialist one, points out the relevance and new specific historical conditions for its implementation . “To complete the bourgeois revolution in Russia in order to ignite the proletarian revolution in the West—this was the task of the proletariat in 1905. In 1915, the second half of this task became so urgent that it came into line at the same time as the first. A new political division has arisen in Russia on the basis of new, higher, more developed, more intertwined international relations" 3
“The imperialist war,” Lenin further wrote, “connected the revolutionary crisis in Russia, the crisis on the basis of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, with the growing crisis of the proletarian, socialist revolution in the West. This connection is so direct that no separate solution to revolutionary problems in one country or another is possible: the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia is now not only a prologue, but an inseparable component of the socialist revolution in the West” 4 .
The main task of the next stage of the revolution in Russia is the struggle to establish a revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry and use it for the transition to a socialist revolution.
Figuring out the ratio class forces in the upcoming revolution, Vladimir Ilyich in his article “On two lines in the revolution”) reveals the depravity of Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution, who denied the revolutionary role of the peasantry on the grounds that the peasantry was de-stratified and its possible revolutionary role after 1905 was constantly decreasing. Of course, Lenin noted, the stratification of the peasantry intensified the class struggle within it and brought the rural proletariat closer to the urban one. But the antagonism between the peasantry and the landowners also increased, intensified and intensified. “This is such an obvious truth that even thousands of phrases in dozens of Trotsky’s Paris articles will not “refute” it. Trotsky is actually helping the liberal labor politicians of Russia, who by “denial” of the role of the peasantry understand their reluctance to rouse the peasants to revolution!” 5
In the years imperialist war Lenin continued to develop a doctrine of the revolutionary situation, which has great importance for the practical activities of Marxist parties. For a popular revolution to occur, the desire of any party is not enough. The masses of the people rise to fight under the influence of deep reasons generated by the objective conditions of their life. Capitalism itself creates the conditions that make revolutionary uprisings of the masses inevitable, and in the course of its development encourages them to fight. Lenin pointed out that a revolution cannot be “made”; it grows out of objectively mature crises, called revolutionary situations.
“For a Marxist, there is no doubt that revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation, and not every revolutionary situation leads to revolution. What, generally speaking, are the signs of a revolutionary situation? We will probably not be mistaken if we indicate the following three main
sign: 1) The impossibility of the ruling classes maintaining their dominance unchanged; one or another crisis of the “tops”, a crisis of the policy of the ruling class, creating a crack into which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes breaks through. For a revolution to occur, it is usually not enough that “the lower classes do not want to,” but it is also necessary that “the upper classes cannot” live in the old way. 2) Exacerbation, higher than usual, of the needs and misfortunes of the oppressed classes. 3) A significant increase, due to the above reasons, in the activity of the masses, who in a “peaceful” era allow themselves to be robbed calmly, and in turbulent times are attracted, both by the entire situation of the crisis and by the “tops” themselves, to an independent historical action.
Without these objective changes, independent of the will of not only individual groups and parties, but also individual classes, the revolution will general rule- impossible. The totality of these objective changes is called a revolutionary situation.” 6
In order for a revolutionary situation to turn into a revolution, it is necessary, Lenin further pointed out, that the subjective factors listed above should be added to the subjective ones: ability and readiness revolutionary class to mass revolutionary uprisings strong enough to overthrow old government and establish your power. Lenin believed that the combination and coincidence of objective and subjective prerequisites for a revolution are determined by the specific historical conditions of a given country and that revolution cannot be brought to a particular country “from the outside.”
Lenin saw the main duty of Marxists during the years of the imperialist war as revealing to the masses the existence of a revolutionary situation, awakening the class consciousness and fighting resolve of the proletariat, helping it move to active revolutionary action and creating appropriate organizations. The duty of the Marxist party is to help in every possible way the development of revolutionary movements that are already beginning on the basis of the emerging revolutionary situation, to strengthen the alliance of the working class, as the hegemon of the revolution, with the broadest masses of the working people, and, above all, with its main ally - the peasantry. Management revolutionary struggle Lenin considered the working class on the part of his Marxist party to be a decisive condition for the victory of the socialist revolution.
Lenin always considered the socialist revolution in a particular country as an integral part of the world socialist revolution. Based on this, he considered it the sacred duty of all Marxist parties and groups to strengthen the unity and cohesion of the world revolutionary socialist movement, to be guided always and everywhere by the great principle of proletarian internationalism.
These are the most important provisions Lenin's theory of socialist revolution. Based on this theory and tactics, Lenin and the Bolsheviks launched all their activities in Russia and rallied the left in the West.
Note:
1 V. I. Lenin. Soch., vol. 26, p. 354.
2 V. I. Lenin. Soch., vol. 30, p. 133.
3 V. I. Lenin. Soch., vol. 27, p. 27.
4 V. I. Lenin. Soch., vol. 27, p. 27.
5 Ibid., p. 81.
6 V. I. Lenin. Soch., vol. 26, pp. 218 - 219.
basics
MARXIST-
LENINSKAYA
PHILOSOPHY
Approved by the Ministry of Higher and Secondary Special Education of the USSR as a textbook for students of higher educational institutions
Fourth edition, revised
Publishing house
political
literature
Academician F. V. KONSTANTINOV (supervisor), Doctor of Philosophy A. S. BOGOMOLOV, Doctor of Philosophy G. M. GAK, Doctor of Philosophy G. E. GLEZERMAN, Doctor of Philosophy V. Z. KELLE, Corresponding Member of the Academy of Sciences USSR P. V. KOPNIN, Doctor of Philosophy I. V. KUZNETSOV, Doctor of Philosophy S. T. MELYUKHIN, Doctor of Philosophy Kh. N. MOMJYAN, Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences T. I. OYZERMAN, Doctor of Philosophy V. S. SEMENOV, Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences A. G. SPIRKIN, Doctor of Philosophy M. M. ROSENTAL, Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences M. N. RUKEVICH, Doctor of Philosophy A. F. SHISHKIN, Doctor of Philosophy D. I .CHESNOKOV.
Basics Marxist-Leninist philosophy. Textbook.
0-75 Ed. 4th, revised M., Politizdat, 1979.
The book is a textbook on the fundamentals of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, which systematically covers the most important problems of dialectical and historical materialism and provides criticism of modern bourgeois philosophy and sociology. The textbook is intended for students of higher educational institutions, students of the party study network, as well as for those who independently study Marxist-Leninist philosophy.
The fourth edition of the textbook has been revised taking into account the decisions of the 25th Congress of the CPSU and other party and government documents.
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© POLITIZDAT, 1979
PREFACE
We live in a dynamic era of social revolutions, national liberation movements, in an age of rapid progress in science and technology. Profound changes in social life, competition between two world systems, the expanding and deepening struggle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois, including revisionist (right-wing and “left-wing”) ideologies are placing more and more demands on people’s ideological beliefs, philosophical culture, and scientific thinking. In this regard, the importance of studying Marxist-Leninist philosophy also increases.
Marxist philosophy - dialectical and historical materialism - arose more than a hundred years ago. It was created by K. Marx and F. Engels. Its further development related to the analysis of the new historical era, Marxist philosophy received in the works of V.I. Lenin.
Dialectical and historical materialism is an integral part of Marxism-Leninism, its philosophical basis. This teaching is creative, revolutionary, it is constantly enriched and tested by historical practice. In its spirit, Marxist-Leninist philosophy is hostile to any dogmatism. As a creative doctrine, the philosophy of Marxism-Leninism is continuously developing on the basis of a generalization of world historical experience, the achievements of natural science and social sciences.
Following the behests of V.I. Lenin, the world communist movement accumulates everything that is most valuable and significant in modern social development, in the revolutionary experience of the working class, all anti-imperialist, revolutionary forces. This experience, especially the practice of communist construction in the USSR and socialist construction in other socialist countries, was reflected in the theoretical works of communist parties, which have deep philosophical and sociological content.
The authors of this textbook sought, along with highlighting the main issues of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, along with a positive presentation of its most important ideas, to analyze and criticize the provisions of bourgeois philosophical thought. Militant materialism, revolutionary dialectics are the highest form of objectivity and science in philosophy. Therefore, the struggle against idealistic philosophy, against the attempts of philosophical revisionists to “blur” the clear lines between materialism and idealism in philosophy and sociology, between communist and bourgeois ideologies, is for us at the same time a struggle for science, for scientific philosophy.
When preparing the textbook, the authors sought to take into account the experience of using the book “Fundamentals of Marxist Philosophy”, published in 1958 and 1962, when studying philosophy. almost two million copies. This book, translated into many languages of the world, received positive reviews in the press and in teaching practice. Its main provisions still retain their significance. But over these years, Marxist philosophical thought in the USSR and abroad continued to develop and enrich itself.
Further development of the philosophy of Marxism-Leninism, demands teaching practice, the fact that a number of issues of Marxist-Leninist theory are now considered in the course of the foundations of scientific communism, made it necessary to change and improve the textbook both in content and in structure. An outstanding event of our time was the 25th Congress of the CPSU, which marked a new milestone in the development of Marxist-Leninist theory. In this edition of “Fundamentals of Marxist-Leninist Philosophy,” changes have been made in accordance with the decisions of the congress and resolutions of the CPSU Central Committee on issues of ideological work, and other party and government documents.
Scientific, organizational and auxiliary work was carried out by N. I. Sorokoumskaya. Scientific and technical edition by K. V. Kichunova.
INTRODUCTION
PHILOSOPHY, ITS SUBJECT AND PLACE AMONG OTHER SCIENCES
Marxism-Leninism is a harmonious, holistic teaching, the components of which are: dialectical and historical materialism, Marxist political economy and the theory of scientific communism. Dialectical and historical materialism is the philosophical basis of Marxism-Leninism.
The unity, integrity, and consistency of Marxism-Leninism, recognized even by its opponents, are organically connected with a worldview and method that is common to all its constituent parts. It is impossible to deeply understand Marxism-Leninism without understanding its philosophical basis.
The philosophy of Marxism-Leninism is the highest level of development of world philosophical thought. It includes, in a revised form, all the best, most advanced that has been created by mankind in the centuries-old development of philosophy. At the same time, the emergence of dialectical and historical materialism marked a qualitative leap, a revolutionary revolution in philosophy. Created by Marx and Engels as the worldview of a new revolutionary class - the working class, which is historically called upon to overthrow the rule of the bourgeoisie, destroy capitalism and build a new, classless communist society - the philosophy of Marxism is intended not only to strictly scientifically explain the world, but also to serve as a theoretical weapon for changing it.
In our time, in the century of the greatest flowering of scientific thought, one can hear voices challenging the right to exist of philosophy as a special branch of scientific knowledge. These opponents of philosophy say that once, in the ancient world, it was a science of sciences, but then, in the course of historical development, special branches of scientific knowledge sprang off one after another - astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, history, sociology, logic, etc. d. Under these conditions, philosophy allegedly found itself
in the position of Shakespeare's King Lear, who in his old age distributed his kingdom to his daughters, and they kicked him out into the street like a beggar. But such a view regarding scientific philosophy is incorrect. The demarcation between philosophy and special, private sciences undoubtedly contributed to the formation specific subject of philosophical research. On the other hand, the development of special sciences has contributed to the identification of ideological and methodological problems common to all these sciences, which cannot be resolved within the framework of a special field of research.
What is the essence of nature, the universe? What is the relationship between consciousness and outside world, spiritual and material, ideal and real? What is a person and what is his place in the world? Is he capable of cognizing and transforming the world, and if so, how? These and many other similar questions deeply concern everyone thinking people.
And there has long been an ineradicable need to find answers to these questions that constitute the content of philosophy.
Philosophy is a worldview specific in its content and form, which theoretically substantiates its principles and conclusions. In this way, philosophy differs from the unscientific religious worldview, which is based on belief in the supernatural and reflects reality in an emotional and fantastic form.
A philosophical worldview is a system of the most general theoretical views on the world, i.e. nature, society, man. Philosophy sets as its goal to develop and substantiate the basic principles of socio-political, scientific, moral, aesthetic orientation of people.
Every person has some kind of opinion about the world around us, but it often consists of fragments of various contradictory ideas, is not theoretically comprehended, not justified. Philosophy is not just a sum, but a system of ideas, views and ideas about nature, society, man and his place in the world. A philosophical worldview does not simply proclaim its principles and try to instill them in people, but proves them and logically deduces them.
Of course, not everything is a theory...
Quick navigation back: Ctrl+←, forward Ctrl+→Marxism arose in the 40s of the 19th century. At the same time, there was an aggravation of the social and economic contradictions of capitalism. The emergence of the teachings of K. Marx and F. Engels was associated with a certain stage in the development of society in general and its economic base in particular. The main event that influenced and actually shaped everything further events in Europe has become industrial revolution. And the formation of the views and ideas of Marxism was not without the influence of the industrial revolution.
The factor in the formation of Marxism were objective economic and especially social processes in the countries of Western Europe in late XVIII- the first half of the 19th century, the root cause of which was the industrial revolution. In turn, the views of Marx and Engels were formed in approximately the same direction: the views of each of them were formed on the basis of radical democracy, both were influenced by the works of Hegel and Feuerbach, both rejected idealism and religious views. At the same time, their views gradually acquire socialist and communist orientations, in line with which their further creativity takes place.
Marxism-Leninism is one of the left, most radical movements in Marxism; is a socio-political and philosophical doctrine about the laws of the struggle of the proletariat to overthrow the capitalist system and build a communist society. Developed by V.I. Lenin, who developed the teachings of Marx and applied them in practice.
IN socialist countries Marxism-Leninism was the official ideology - “the ideology of the working class.” The teaching was not static, but was modified, adapting to the needs of the ruling elite, and also including the teachings of regional communist leaders, which are of significance primarily for the socialist states they lead.
In the Soviet ideological paradigm, Marxism-Leninism was presented as the only truly true one claiming universality. scientific system philosophical, economic and socio-political views, integrating conceptual views regarding knowledge and the revolutionary transformation of the world. About the laws of development of society, nature and human thinking, about the class struggle and forms of transition to socialism (including the overthrow of capitalism), about the creative activity of workers directly involved in building a socialist and communist society.
Marxism-Leninism not only significantly simplified and coarsened Marxism, but also introduced into it a whole series of fundamentally new ideas. Important steps in the ever-increasing process of “cleansing” the concept of K. Marx from the elements of “speculative philosophy” were already taken by Lenin, who, however, never admitted that he was deviating in any significant way from the leading ideas of Marxism. I.V. was subjected to a radical simplification of Marxism-Leninism. Stalin, who reduced it to a few theses understandable to the communist elite. The simplification and ideological impoverishment of Marxism was caused by objective reasons: Marxism increasingly turned from a philosophical concept into the basis of the ideology of a mass, enthusiastic communist movement.
As a result of evolution, Marxism-Leninism included the following main elements:
- * dialectical materialism, which Marx himself was not interested in at all;
- * historical materialism, included in the late 1970s. into dialectical materialism and interpreted as the extension of the principles of the latter to the field of social phenomena;
- * a critical analysis of capitalism, which aimed to adapt the old description of capitalism to the realities of the 20th century. and, contrary to the facts, defend old idea that the general crisis of capitalism continues to deepen;
- * the theory of a special type of party and a revolutionary movement associated with the party, developed by Lenin and having nothing to do with orthodox Marxism;
- * communist prophecy, which either declared the building of communism to be a matter of the coming decades, or pushed it back to the “historically foreseeable period.”
Although in modern conditions The Marxist-Leninist paradigm is, for the most part, marginal; the ideas of Marxism-Leninism retain a strong position in the theory of international relations, also exerting a significant influence on other international political sciences.
The main provisions of the Marxist-Leninist paradigm:
- 1. Main actor international relations are social classes (bourgeoisie and proletariat), therefore states as actors in international relations are secondary. Nation states were created by the bourgeoisie for the purpose of class domination and subjugation. Based on their selfish goals (extracting excess profits, searching for cheap labor, new markets for products) and using the foreign policy instruments of the state, the bourgeoisie destabilizes international relations and contributes to the outbreak of wars and conflicts.
- 2. International relations do not differ from intra-social relations (the exception is scale), they have a “secondary and tertiary” nature (they are one of the elements of the superstructure determined by the economic basis; they reflect the peculiarities of the interaction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat within national states), and are capitalist in nature.
- 3. The main international processes are socialist revolutions, class conflicts, crises and wars.
- 4. The goals of participants in international relations are diametrically opposed: the bourgeoisie strives to make profit, the proletariat strives for a world socialist revolution that will free the world from exploitation by the bourgeoisie and establish a socialist and then a communist system.
- 5. The means of achieving these goals also differ: the bourgeoisie uses increased exploitation, the proletariat uses world social revolution).
- 6. The future of international relations is determined by objective laws social development. The state will wither away, simple norms of morality and justice will be established.
The collective efforts of Soviet “philosophers”, consolidated by the decisions of congresses communist party, Marxism-Leninism was given an extremely simple, publicly accessible form. Many topics that seemed important to Marx have disappeared, in particular the problems of humanism, praxis, alienation, civil society, democracy, “all-round man”, “Asian socio-economic formation”, etc. At the same time, the Marxist doctrine received an orthodox form, the slightest deviation from which was regarded as obvious revisionism and was severely punished. Dogmatized by Lenin, Stalin and their followers, Marxist discourse acquired clarity, simplicity and firmness. It begins with a statement of the laws of dialectics (contradiction as the source of all development, abrupt transition quantitative changes in qualitative, negation of negation and upward development in a spiral) and dialectics of nature. Then follows historical materialism (the primacy of productive forces and production relations over all other social relations); further analysis in progress capitalist system in order to illustrate the truth of historical materialism; From this analysis, the need to organize a party of revolutionary action is deduced and the conclusion is drawn not so much about the inevitable collapse of capitalism, but rather about the inevitable victory of communism and thereby the completion of the prehistory of mankind. This scheme was not only included in all textbooks on Marxist-Leninist philosophy and scientific communism, but was also a guide for all those who studied theoretical problems philosophy and ideology. The latter were left with only some detailing of the general scheme, which did not allow even the slightest deviation. “In Moscow and in the so-called socialist countries they created a certain doctrine, an ideological catechism, elevated to the rank of state truth” (R. Aron).
According to Marx, the dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary means for the transition from capitalism to communism. With the doctrine of a “new type of party,” Marxism-Leninism, in essence, reduced the dictatorship of the proletariat to the dictatorship of a revolutionary party, which has complete control over all aspects of the life of communist society, from politics and economics to the private lives of its members. “...The dictatorship of the proletariat is power exercised by a party based on violence and not bound by any laws” (Lenin). While in power, the monopolistic ruling party combines an ideology designed to inspire enthusiasm with terror that constantly instills fear. The Party offers a new solution to all existential problems concerning the meaning of history and human life, human happiness, justice, etc. It also justifies a new code of moral precepts, in which the highest duty is declared not to serve society as a whole, but to some narrow part of it, and first of all to the party itself. There was no “new type of party” in Marxism. Marx and Engels imagined the Communist Party to be similar to others political parties, and especially on the working class party. “The Communists are not a special party opposing themselves to other workers’ parties... They do not put forward any special principles under which they would like to fit the proletarian movement” (“Manifesto of the Communist Party”).
To others important point, in which Marxism-Leninism departed from Marxism, was the interpretation of the prerequisites for the victory of the socialist revolution. According to Marx, the success of the latter is possible only if it occurs simultaneously in the most developed capitalist countries. Marxism-Leninism put forward the thesis about the possibility of the victory of socialism in one particular country, if the latter is a backward, predominantly peasant country. The theory of “permanent revolution” L.D. Trotsky, which he developed starting in 1905, denied the gap between the anti-feudal (democratic) and anti-capitalist (socialist) phases of the revolution and asserted the inevitability of the transition from the national phase to the international phase: having begun in Russia, the revolution must certainly go beyond its borders. Lenin for a long time rejected Trotsky’s formulation, but in 1917 agreed that the revolution in Russia would succeed only if an international revolution broke out after it: “For the final victory of socialism, the efforts of one country, especially such a backward peasant country as Russia, are not enough, this requires the efforts of the proletariat of several developed countries" The position on the possibility of the victory of socialism in one individual country, particularly in Russia, was put forward by Stalin. However, the latter made every effort to renounce his authorship. He attributed this idea to Lenin, which required falsifying the statements of both Lenin and Trotsky. By renouncing authorship, Stalin had the opportunity to sharply contrast “Leninism,” which includes faith in the possibility of building socialism in Russia alone, with “Trotskyism,” presented as a defeatist, anti-Leninist position.
According to Marx, any social revolution develops as follows: the material conditions of production grow and mature until they come into conflict with social and legal relations and, growing out of them as out of clothing, they will not tear them apart. A political revolution can only lead to the fact that one set of rulers will give way to another, and this is just a simple change of persons carrying out public administration. The October Revolution of 1917 refuted Marx’s reasoning about the nature of the “coming revolution.” However, Marxism-Leninism, instead of recognizing this refutation, reinterpreted both the general theory of socialist revolution and the October events in order to bring them into line. As a result, this theory lost all empirical content and became, in principle, unfalsifiable. In a similar way, Marxism-Leninism transformed the key positions of Marxism about the relationship between base and superstructure, about socialism as a short transition period from capitalism to communism, etc. All these changes made it possible, ultimately, to “interpret Marxism in a spirit from which Marx himself would come to rabies" (G.P. Fedotov).
Marx insisted that his concept was open and should be constantly transformed under the influence of new social factors, and not frozen in dogmas and stereotypes. Under the influence political situation Marxism-Leninism changed the spirit of the original “open Marxism” and ultimately turned it into scholasticism, indifferent to the study of the social problems of post-industrial society.
The process of decomposition of Marxism-Leninism as the core of communist ideology began in the 1960s. In conditions when the atmosphere of fear, which was the main feature of Stalinism, was discharged, it became noticeable that communist enthusiasm was gradually wearing out and it needed to be supported by especially attractive promises. The first profound evidence of the weakening of Marxism-Leninism was new program Communist Party, which proclaimed that “the current generation of Soviet people will live under communism.” The promise of the onset of communist abundance in the coming decades spoke of a lack of understanding by the theorists of Marxism-Leninism not only of the processes taking place in the Soviet economy, but also of the very essence of communism. Belief in the reality of building communism began to fade rapidly from the late 1970s. “...Wretched, although relatively soft Brezhnev era undermined faith in ideals much more than the total, unpredictable and highly destructive Stalinist terror that permeated the entire society, which at least could be perceived as a chilling dramatic harbinger of the birth of a new society, the coming of a new man” (E. Gallner).
The history of countries that tried to build a perfect communist society has well demonstrated the internal paradox of Marxism-Leninism. Created as a theoretical justification for such a society, it ultimately turned out to be an ideological justification for totalitarian communist regimes.
Marxism-Leninism is irrational in the sense that it sets itself one goal, but achieves the exact opposite result, incompatible with it.
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