How to identify chanterelles from false ones. All the differences between the false chanterelle mushroom and the real one with photos and descriptions
If you decide to seriously study the history of your family, then you will definitely need house-to-house censuses.
In the seventeenth century. with the development of crafts and trade, the unit of taxation instead of the land plot became the yard (i.e., the household), and the “censuses” turned from land to household. They took into account mainly the tax (tax-paying) population. Household accounting existed in Russia for just over half a century. A total of 4 household censuses are known. The first was carried out by Alexei Mikhailovich Romanov (1646-1647), the last, the so-called Landart census, was carried out by Peter I in 1715-1717.
The government order clearly defined the goals of the census of 1646. “How peasants and peasants and their households will be rewritten,” it said, “according to those census books, peasants and peasants, and their children, and brothers, and nephews will be strong and without school years... And which people, after that correspondence, will learn to accept runaway peasants and keep them, and to give back the patrimonial owners and landowners of those peasants, according to the court and the investigation and according to those census books...”
The census of 1646, unlike previous scribal descriptions, was primarily a census of the population. The census takers recorded all taxable male persons, including children (the latter with an indication of age). The results of the census then served a double service - they became a legal basis for even greater enslavement of the peasants and a basis for levying taxes. The next census was carried out in 1676-1678.
To conduct a census in a particular district, a scribe and several of his assistants - clerks - were sent there. The scribe was supplied with a mandate - instructions on how to conduct a census. In addition, he was given “seasoning books” - copies of materials from previous descriptions of the area to which the scribe was heading. During the census of 1676-1678, for example, the census books of 1646 were used as “supplies”. The local governor was obliged to assist the census takers who arrived in his district, to assign them assistants from among local population and provide everything necessary, starting with food. In the 20s of the 17th century, the census commission was supposed, for example, to issue “a lamb carcass, a chicken, and onions, garlic, eggs and butter on the fast day, and on the fast day... where is the best fish.” The direct work of the census takers began with the fact that, having arrived in the camps and volosts, in the monastic estates and estates, they had to “in those estates and estates ... read the sovereign decree (on the census) ... so that the nobles and boyar children and their clerks and elders and the kissers brought fairy tales to them...” In this case, “fairy tales” were reports on the number of peasants in a feudal estate or townspeople in a tax yard.
The taxing population, of course, tried to reduce the amount of taxes they were subject to based on the results of the census. To deceive scribes there were various ways, and they were well known, they were listed in orders to scribes, but this did not help much. The simplest way that allowed “residential courtyards to be written empty” was that during the census period, townspeople simply went to their relatives or even left the city for a while, leaving the courtyard empty. Peasants were often “transferred from many households to one,” two yards were fenced off with one fence, and sometimes the yards were simply hidden from the census takers.
The census of 1710, carried out under Peter, bore the features of a house-to-house census, but an attempt was made to record both sexes. Happened. that from the census of 1678 to the census of 1710, the number of tax-paying households decreased by 19.5%. Peter rejected the results of the 1710 census, ordered taxes to be accepted according to the books of 1678 and a new census was carried out during 1716 and 1717.
The 1716 census is especially informative. It says who died and when, who is disabled, where family members are at the time of the census. In addition, the data is compared with the censuses of 1678 and 1710.
The census itself predetermined a sharply negative attitude on the part of the population and even severe punishments for the concealment they did not give the government the desired results. Many errors occurred due to the ignorance and negligence of the census takers, as well as due to bribes to the census takers for missing households. On the other hand, for failure to pay a bribe, empty courtyards were recorded as residential; there were cases of entire villages being omitted, or the same village being registered twice.
Population accounting in the XIII-XVI centuries. Scribe books
In Rus', regular confirmed population census began during the times Tatar-Mongol invasion. Accounting at that time was economic: houses, or “smoke,” were counted for taxation. The first census carried out by the Mongols dates back to 1245. Following this, three more censuses were carried out: in 1257, 1259 and 1273. The censuses were not universal, since they did not include the part of the population exempt from taxation. Chronicles ancient period They emphasize that although the Tatars “destroyed the entire Russian land,” they are “not the same as priests, cherits, and those who served the holy churches,” that is, that privileged category of the population that was exempt from collecting tribute.
The need to transform household records into a legal document was determined by the correctness of the records, confirmation by the taxable household. The elements of the economy were not always correctly reproduced in the “numbers” and, as the chronicler admitted, “the boyars do good to themselves and evil to the lesser,” which caused protests from the taxed and the need for repeated descriptions.
In Russia in the XIV-XVI centuries, land and economic descriptions took place. Their results were recorded in the so-called scribe books. The importance of scribe books as documents on the basis of which taxation is carried out is increasing, but they are beginning to take on the character of land inventories.
Phenomenon coverage economic life was very wide - from information about the towers of city Kremlins to news about the types of fish caught in the lakes. Nevertheless, the scribal descriptions were still not population records. In the course of them, only the owners of the yards were identified.
Data from land inventories could serve only as temporary sources for determining taxation. Trade and fishing activities remained under such a system without taxation, which was not beneficial to the state fiscal and necessitated the need to find new units of taxation. The yard became such a unit.
Scribe books occupy an honorable place among the predecessors of modern statistics. You can find a lot of them most interesting information about the Russian economy of that time. Of course, their data is poorly systematized. The form of presentation is also unusual: paragraphs spread over several pages, making you want to stop and take a breath.
In the 17th century, the household (“yard”) became the unit of taxation, and population records were called household censuses. Although such descriptions were carried out frequently, they were geographically limited, covered a small area and were determined by local problems. Already deep crisis economy, the impoverishment of the treasury and the extreme unevenness of taxation in various parts country was inspired by the idea of conducting a census in all parts of the state according to uniform model. This idea was not realized, although attempts were made in the late 20s and 40s of the 17th century.
Almost every population census leaves a memory of itself. Sometimes these are legends, and more often, especially in modern times, the results of calculations recorded on paper. Their results more or less fully describe the life of society during the period when the census was carried out.
But the memory of the census is also preserved thanks to other types of documents. Now such documents would be called “instructional material” or “statements of citizens,” but in the 17th century they were called orders and petitions. One of these petitions, filed in the summer of 7153 (and according to modern calendar- in 1645) in the name of the 16-year-old Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, played important role in the history of censuses.
The nobles who composed it, of course, thought least of all about census affairs. They were concerned about something completely different - that they “were impoverished from their services, and from great debts and horses fell into disrepair, and their estates and estates were empty and their houses became impoverished and ruined without a trace from the war and from strong people" It happened, however, that this petition served as a reason for serious changes in organizing population registration.
« Powerful of the world", which were mentioned in the petition, were the most large landowners- boyars, who sometimes owned thousands of peasant households. They often captured and hid peasants who belonged to their weaker neighbors, and after the “class years” - the statute of limitations for tracking down fugitives - had passed, they enrolled the peasants in their name.
The government order clearly defined the feudal goals of the census. “As the peasants and peasants and their households rewrite,” it said, “according to those census books, the peasants and peasants, and their children, and brothers, and nephews will be strong and without school years... And which people, after that correspondence, will teach the runaways accept the peasants and keep them with them, and give the patrimonial owners and landowners of those peasants, according to the court and according to the investigation and according to those census books...”
The census of 1646, unlike previous scribal descriptions, was primarily a census of the population. The census takers recorded all taxable male persons, including children (the latter by age). The census results then served a double service - they became a legal basis for even greater enslavement of the peasants and a basis for levying taxes. The next census was carried out in 1676-1678.
Many documents have been preserved that make it possible to recreate the atmosphere in which the censuses were carried out, to outline the portraits of the census takers, and to find out the attitude of the population towards the censuses. From them you can imagine how the population census took place in Russia in the 17th century.
The census was carried out primarily by scribes and clerks who served in the Moscow orders - central government bodies responsible for one or another area of government affairs. The most senior clerks occupied important administrative positions, while the others were responsible for drafting numerous orders.
“The state of the nobility,” wrote academician M.N. Tikhomirov, “relyed to a large extent on this order company, which, it must be said, was bitterly hated by the population. From them came the possibility of changes in order documents, they made various kinds red tape, which in the 17th century, even in tsarist documents, was called “Moscow red tape”... Clerks were often ruined during uprisings, and sometimes they died. Since the 17th century, they had a very poetic name - “nettle seed” (Tikhomirov M.N. Russian state XV-XVII centuries. M., 1973).
To conduct a census in a particular district, a scribe and several of his assistants - clerks, who were divided into “old” (senior) and young, were sent there. The scribe's job was difficult and required special knowledge. The trip was expected to be long, and serious preparations were made for it.
First of all, the scribe was provided with a mandate - instructions on how to conduct a census. In addition, he was given “seasoning books” - copies of materials from previous descriptions of the area to which the scribe was sent. During the census of 1676-1678, for example, census books of 1646 were used as “seasoning aids”. It is clear that the “seasoning books” served as a great help for the scribe - they were both a kind of guide to the area, and a model for compiling new books, and, finally, a means of comparing the results obtained with data from previous years, and, therefore, a control tool.
The local governor was obliged to assist the census takers who arrived in his district, assign them assistants from among the local population and provide them with everything they needed, starting with food. In the 20s of the 17th century, the census commission was supposed, for example, to issue “a lamb carcass, a chicken, and onions, garlic, eggs and butter on the fast day, and on the fast day... where is the best fish.”
The direct work of the census takers began with the fact that, having arrived in the camps and volosts, in the monastic estates and estates, they had to “in those estates and estates ... read the sovereign decree (on the census) ... so that the nobles and boyar children and their clerks and elders and the kissers brought fairy tales to them...” “Fairy tales” in this case were reports on the number of peasants in a feudal estate or townspeople in a tax yard. But fairy tales often did not reflect an objective picture; their compilers deliberately distorted the true state of affairs.
The taxing population, of course, tried with all its might to reduce the amount of taxes it was subject to based on the census results. There were various ways to deceive scribes, and they were well known, listed in instructions to scribes, but this did not help much. The simplest way that allowed “residential courtyards to be written empty” was that during the census period, townspeople simply went to their relatives or even left the city for a while, leaving the courtyard empty.
As for the nobles, in principle, of course, they could not help but support the holding of censuses, however, when it came to their own estates, the situation changed dramatically. To reduce the number of households subject to taxes, peasants were “transferred from many households into one,” fenced off two households with one fence, and sometimes simply hid the households from the census takers.
Household censuses were extremely limited in the range of registered characteristics and did not have a certain form and uniform concepts not only for counting the population, but also for the property and economic status of a person. They lasted from a year to 10 years, were sometimes carried out by completely illiterate persons, were accompanied by extortions and gave rise to massive concealments, distortions and flight from registration. Added to this was a systematic lack of scribe books and the absence of a single control center for the activities of scribes.
Household census
In the 17th century In connection with the development of crafts and trade, the unit of taxation becomes the household - the “yard”. And censuses are turning into door-to-door censuses. The number and scale of censuses expanded so much that an Accounting Order was formed in Moscow. The household censuses of 1646 and 1678 were especially large, covering almost the entire territory of the state. In accordance with tax purposes they covered only the taxable, mainly male population. However, in some of these censuses, both women and part of the non-taxable population were taken into account, distribution was given by age groups, marital status, sometimes even occupation, rank and profession were indicated. The last household census was carried out in 1710 under Peter I. For the first time, an attempt was made to take into account not only the taxable population, but the entire population, including the privileged strata. The census dragged on for several years and ended in failure: it could not take into account the entire population. The number of households according to this census turned out to be almost 20% less compared to 1678, while their increase was expected. Peter I did not accept the results of the 1710 census and ordered a new census to be carried out in 1716-1717. However, this new census showed even worse results: the number of households decreased by one third compared to 1678. Such results partly reflected the actual decline in the population of Russia due to wars and ruinous living conditions, but to a greater extent were the result of incorrect information. Many landowners tried to reduce the number of households by combining several tax-paying households into one. Therefore, household taxation was replaced by capitation taxation, and the censuses were transformed accordingly. On November 26, 1718, Peter I issued a decree that ordered “to take fairy tales from everyone (give them a year’s time), so that the truthful ones would bring how many male souls there are in each village.” Population lists (“tales”) were to be collected in 1719 and then subjected to verification (“revision”) within three years. For evading the census or “hiding souls,” the decree provided for severe punishment, including the death penalty.
Capitation censuses
This decree marked the beginning of a whole series of per capita censuses (“revisions”), which, with various changes, were carried out in Russia over the next 140 years, from 1719 to 1859, until the abolition of serfdom. There were 10 revisions in total, each of which lasted for several years.
Capitation censuses were still far from modern population censuses both in terms of population coverage and methods of implementation. Their object was mainly only the tax-paying population, they took into account the ascribed (legal) and not the actual population, they were carried out for a long time, and the information collected did not relate to one point in time. Therefore even total number The population can only be determined approximately based on audit data. Since the audits were related to taxation, the population was hostile to them and tried to avoid the census. Landowners and other persons responsible for compiling “fairy tales” underestimated the number of tax-paying souls. The officials who carried out the audits also committed abuses.
And yet, despite significant defects, Russian audits were a significant step forward in the development of population registration. They were named, and during all audits the following was taken into account important sign, as age (and in the form of the number of years completed, and not by attribution to age group). Most of the revisions, except for the first, second and sixth, also took into account the female population (also indicating age) not for calculating taxes, but “for information only.” Some revisions gave a distribution of the population by marital status, nationalities and classes.
The latest audits have already covered more than 80% of the country's total population, and in the territories where they were carried out - more than 90%. This made it possible, although with additional calculations, to still determine the total population of the country, its distribution and composition, based on direct accounting data.
The audits provided rich material for studying the population of Russia. Even today they have not lost their scientific value (as historical material).
After the abolition of serfdom, the audits lost their significance as a census of the tax-paying population and were no longer carried out. Meanwhile, as capitalism developed in Russia, the need for complete and detailed data on the size and composition of the entire population began to be increasingly felt. Only a scientifically organized general census could provide such data.
The first All-Russian scientifically organized census
It was held in 1897 as of January 28 (February 9, new style). It was initiated by the outstanding Russian scientist P.P. Semenov - Tian-Shansky. This census represents the only source of reliable data on the size and composition of the population of Russia in late XIX century.
It was carried out over three months instead of the expected one and a half months. Such a long period of time could not but affect the quality collected materials. But if we take into account all the difficulties and doubts about the possibility of conducting a census at all, such a period should not be considered the biggest drawback. About 150 thousand personnel took part in the census, which also cannot be considered very large. The results of the census were published in 1905 in 89 volumes. Total population Russian Empire within the boundaries of those years amounted to 125,640 thousand people. Borisov V. A. Demography. - M.: Publishing House NOTABENE, 1999, 2001. - P. 52.
Census materials showed not only the total population and its distribution across the country and its regions, but also its structure according to a wide range of indicators: by gender, age, marital status and marital status, by literacy and religion, by native language(which indirectly expressed National composition population), by occupations that provide a means of subsistence, and by industry National economy and etc.
The development of the census results and their publication were completed in 1905, and in 1908 the question of conducting a new, regular population census in 1910 was raised (i.e. in accordance with international recommendations" in a year ending in 0). However, due to various circumstances, mainly of a financial nature, the date for the second population census was postponed to 1915, which was also not implemented due to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914.
Household census of townspeople in Venev,
1677
R GADA F.1209, Op.1, part 2, book 14251, pp. 1-13
We thank Anton Rakitin
for the materials provided
(l.1)
Summer 186 (1677 AD) December according to the sovereign of the Tsar and Grand Duke Fedor Alekseevich of All Rus' Great and White Russia, the autocrat by decree, and by order from the local order with the signature of clerk Dmitry Fedorov, Mikhail Stepanovich Travin, and clerk Ivan Bogdanovan In the city of Venev, they enumerated the township courtyards and courtyard people, and the street sweepers, and the church workers, and empty courtyards, and the Venev district... and Duma people, stewards, solicitors and servants of Moscow and residents and city nobles and boyar children and retired nobles and children of boyars and... minors, and all sorts of ranks(l.1v) people, landowners, ... in villages, in villages and in repairs, and peasant and bobyl households and in them people by name and brothers and nephews... ... and in them people by name, and that is written in books by said all sorts of ranks of people separately and standing.
№1
In the city on Venev there is a cathedral church of the Transfiguration of the Lord and the Great Martyr Paraskova, and at the cathedral church there are priests: priest Ivan Fedorov, and he has children Mityaka(l.2) twelve years old, Stenka ten years old, and priest Andrei Vasiliev, and he has children Vaska twelve years old, Danilko ten years old, Ivashko six years old, Afonka three years old, Kandrashka two years old, and... who followed them and those boys died, and their children fled... to the Ukrainian cities Ivashka Prokofiev son Vysochkin, Yushka, and Ivashka Savva's children Dorofeevs, Mishka Antonov son Tsobarev -?
... behind them are two bobylskys.
Yakushko Isaev is the son of Malikov, and his children are Anurka, Alishba -?
, yes Andryushko, yes Gan.. Yakov.. Gubarev’s son has been living in the Cossack settlement for ten years.
(l.2v) In the suburb is the Church of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, and near the church there are priests: priest Mikhailo..., and he has children Ievka, twenty years old, Alyoshka, eight years old, Ivashko, six years old, and priest Ivan Fedorov, and his children Dorofeyko, seventeen years old, Grishka, thirteen years old, Fedka is six years old, and priest Semyon Grigoriev, and he has children Ivashko, nine years old, Timofeyka, five years old, and at the same church, deacon Vasily Mikhailov. But there are no beans behind them, but those who were written in the census books were seven households and they died. And Fedka’s son Danilka has arrived all over the world, and his nephews, yes... live in the Posad settlement. On the outskirts is the Church of the Introduction..., and near the church there are priests:
(l.3)
priest Mikhail Iyudin, and his children are Antipko, Fedka, Vaska, and priest Moisey Ivanov, his children are Volodka, eighteen years old, Ivashko, thirteen years old, and priest Ivan, and his children are Grishka, twenty years old, Mikitka, fifteen years old, Meleshko, ten years old, Alyoshka is five years old, yes... Iudin, and he has a son Grishka... mallow, and there are no beans behind them, but which were written in the census books, and in the yards of the beans Bogdanko and Ignashka and they ran out to the Cossacks, died, and the children live with Ivashko Bogdanov with his brother Miroshka, and with his nephew and Andryushka in Venev in the Cossack settlement... children Fedka, and Grishka in Moscow... and priest Mikhail lives with the servant Eli..., and he has a son Mishka.
№2
There is a monastery of the Epiphany on the outskirts of Venev, but there is no surveillance of that monastery, the clergy and the Bobyl courtyards.
(l.3v)
Yes, there are courtyards in the suburbs of the townspeople.
1. Naumko Borovkova, and he has two brothers Fedka and Mishka, twelve years old.
2. Tishka Trofimov.
3. Parfen Chekov, and his son Proshka is ten years old.
6. Sviridka Kalintsov, he has a son Ignatko, Ignatka has children, Proshka, ten years old, and Tishka, four years old.
7. Mikitka Kalintsov, he has children Ivashka, seventeen years old, Frolko, thirteen years old.
9. Laktyushka Arkhipov, and he has a nephew Ivashka Makarov, he has a ten-year-old son Ivashka.
10. Fedka Chekov, he has children Antoshka, fifteen years old, Mishka, ten years old, Borisok, eight years old.
11. Fedka Kondratov is the son of Brezhnev, he has brothers Dmitry, ten years old,(l.4) Andryushka is nine years old.
12. Ratka Borodin, he has children Fedka, twelve years old, Ivashka, nine years old.
13. Ivashko Borodin, his children are Levka, twelve years old, Ivashka, nine years old, Larka, seven years old, and Stenka, five years old.
14. Andryushka Rastorguev, he has brothers Eremka and Maksimko, Eremka has a son Kuzemka, four years old.
15. Ivashka Rastorguev, he has a son Filatka, Filatka has a son Mikishka, three years old.
16. Kharka Rastorguev, his children are Ratka, twenty years old, Ivashko, thirteen years old, Finka -?
nine years old. 17. Ivashka Ovodov, he has children Maksimka, and Ivashka, and Alyoshka, fourteen years old, and Larka, ten years old. Maksimka has children Andryushka, eight years old, Ivashkin’s son
(l.4ob) Teddy bear is five years old.
18. Pronka Volodin, he has a three-year-old son, Trishka.
19. Sen Kozhinov, he has a son Ivashka, five years old.
20. Fedka Ovodov, he has children Petrushka and Oska, five years old. Petrushka has a three-year-old son, Fedka.
21. Volodka Ovodov, he has children Alyosha and Vaska, seventeen years old, Kornyushka, sixteen years old, Pronka, thirteen years old, Savinka, six years old.
22. Grishka Ovodov, he has children Darafeyka, ten years old, Fedka, five years old.
23. Timoshka Ovodov, he has children Petrushko, eight years old, and Andryushka, two years old.
24. Ignatka Storozhev, he has children Ignatka, twenty years old, Antoshka, sixteen years old, Petrushka, nine years old. 25. Levka Artemov, he has a nephew Levka Vasiliev (l.5)
son, and he is Levka, ten years old.
26. Timoshka Artemov, he has children Fedka, thirteen years old, Filka, ten years old, and Ranka, five years old.
27. Filka Storozhev lives in a suburban settlement and does not pay taxes.
28. Alyoshka Zavyalov, his brother Afimka.
29. Petrushka Lukyanov, he has children Afonka, ten years old, Vaska, two years old.
30. Filka Timofeev, he has brothers Ivashka the big twenty years old, Ivashka the smaller Alekseev son Borisov thirteen years old.
31. Andryushka Prokofiev, he has children, Petrushka, and Andryushka, and Fedka, ten years old, Petrushka has a son, Filka.
32. Styopka Davydov, he has children Nefedka, Anofrko, Boriska, fourteen years old, Nefedka has a son, Senka, six years old. 33. Fedka Zakharov, he has children Senka, thirteen years old, Senka the youngest is two years old, yes Vaska, Ivashka is eighteen years old, and Ivashka is less than seven years old, Afonka is five years old, Vasilyev’s children are the Shushuarinovs.
34. Mishka Gladyshev, he has brothers Larka, Ganka, Mishka has a son Afonka, seven years old, Larka has a son Senka, five years old.
35. Fedka Brezhnev, he has children Ivashka, Matyushka, Sereshka, Afonka, twenty years old, Filka, seventeen years old.
36. Boriska Muratin, his son Grishka is twenty years old, and Petrov’s son Borisov is eighteen years old.
37. Alyoshka Muratin, he has a brother Ivashka, Alyoshka has a son Ivashka, eighteen years old, Tishka, eleven years old, Ivashka has children Kondrashka, fifteen years old, Ostashka, ten years old.
38. Afonka Muratin, he has children Vaska and Taraska(l.6) seventeen years old.
39. Kuzemka Sherlin, he has children Ladorka, eighteen years old, Ievka -?
ten years old, Karpik seven years old, Stenka five years old, and he has two nephews Boriska and Mishka Ivanov’s children, Sherlina, live in the Tula district of the Veneva Monastery in the village of Khavkava.
40. Vaska Fokin, he has children Sereshka, Sereshka has a son Fedka, six years old, Ivashka, three years old.
41. Emelka Mokeev, he has children Artyushka, Yakushka, twelve years old, Alyoshka, two years old. 42. Mikishka Fedorov, he has children Ilyushka, five years old, Stenka, three years old, and he Mikishka came from Mikhailov.
(In the Landrat census of 1715, the surname Mochalin)
43. Petrushka Vasiliev, he has a three-year-old son Ivashka, a guard came from Tula.
(l.6ob)
44. Kuzemka Perfiltsev, he has children Mikishka, twenty years old, Boriska, twelve years old.
45. Yutka Mokhov, he has children Yakushka and Taraska, two years old.
46. Afonka Kalachnikov, he has children Timoshka, Deniska, and Ustinka, twenty years old.
47. Fedka Muratin, he has children Tishka, Klenka -?
twenty years old, Elistratko seventeen years old, Fedka fifteen years old, Mishka fourteen years old, Afonka eight years old, last year he was Fedka in the dating.
48 Savka Kalachnikov, he has children Lavrushka, thirteen years old, Danilka, three years old. 49. Danilka Gladyshev, he has children Timokha, eight years old, Fedka, five years old.
50. Panka Chekov (l.7)
, he has children Ivashka and Pimenka, twenty years old, and Mishka, eight years old.
51. Ivashka Anikeev, he has children Andryushka, Ganka, sixteen years old, Alyoshka, three years old, and two stepsons, Senka, twelve years old, Ivashka, nine years old, and he has adopted children, Fedka Lukyanov, and Andryushkin, Afonka, seven years old, and Senka, five years old.
52. Pronka Anikeev, he has children Ivashka, Petrushka, twenty years old, Kornushka, thirteen years old.
53. Fedka Andreev, he has a son Ivashka, four years old.
56. Parsley Bulgakov,(l.7v) he has a son, Tarascus, and a cousin, twenty years old.
57. Simonka Bolotov, he has children Petrushka, Stenka, Yakushko, ten years old.
58. Ilyushka Kalachnikov, he has a ten-year-old son Vaska, and a son-in-law Mishka.
59. Karpik Trunov, he has children Kuprik, Evdokimko, Makarko, Davydko, twenty years old.
60. Petrushko Zavyalov, he has a son Oska.
61. Titko Ignatov, he has children Yakushko, Radko, fifteen years old, Yakushka has a son Taraska, eight years old.
62. Timoshka Pro..
63. Timoshka Titov.
64. Senka Gavrilov, his brother Fedka is twenty years old.
65. Ivashka Fedorov.
66. Panka Shchuchin, he has a son Ilyushka, five years old.
67. Tishka Kolyakov -? , he has children Titka, Ivashka, fifteen years old.
68. Firsik -? (l.8) Danilov, he has children Senka, Alyoshka, Siska -?
seventeen years old.
69. Ignatko Efremov, he has children Taraska, fifteen years old, Vaska, eight years old.
70. Savka Muratin, and he has children Andryushka, Mishka, and Mishka, Meleshka, seventeen years old, Oska, fifteen years old, last year Savka was in the family.
71. Tereshka Belugin, he has brothers Ivashka, Guska, Tereshka has a son Panka, six years old.
72. Titko Belugin.
73. Ratka Borovkov, he has brothers Aniska, Pronka, Savka twenty years old, Ignatko seventeen years old, Grishka ten years old, Fedka seven years old, Ratka has a son Ignatko nine years old.
74. Anashka Belugin, and he has a nephew Mishka, and a nephew Ermoshka, Mishka has a son Timoshka, nine years old. 75. Grishka Bologov (l.8ob)
, he has children Sereshka, Alyoshka, Sereshka has a son Timoshka, nine years old, Alyoshka has a son, Mishka, five years old.
76. Moiseiko Bologov, he has an adopted son, Senka Perfilyev, four years old.
77. Senka Cherno, he has children Savka, Firsk..
78. Amitfake -? Matveev, he has children Kostya... twenty years old, Afonka ten years old.
79 Aniska -?
Peresylkin, and Miroshka Peresylkin. 80. Ivroshko -?
Matveev, he has children Savka, Styopka, Yakushko, Andryushka, twenty years old, Savka has a son, Grishka, ten years old, Styopka has a son, Ivashko, five years old.
81. Lavrushka Kolmin, he has a brother Antipka, fifteen years old, and a nephew, Anashka Arkhipov, a son, twenty years old,
(l.9)
Yes, my nephew Ivashka Semenov is six years old.
82. Fektist Krivoshein, he has a ten-year-old son Savka, and a six-year-old stepson Petrushka Petrov.
87. Trushka Kostolyndin, he has two brothers, Mishka, seventeen years old, Taraska, twelve years old.
88. Marty.. Kostolyndin, he has children Obroska, twenty years old, Ivashka, ten(l.9v) years old, Vaska is seven years old.
89. Senka Muratin, he has children Boriska, Vaska, Ivashka, thirteen years old, Mishka, three years old, Ivashka has children... Vka, ten years old, Filka, five years old, Timoshka, three years old.
90. Anashka Kharin, he has brothers Laktyushka, Elfimka, Grishka, twenty years old, Elfimka has a son Ivashka, seven years old.
91. Savka Arkhipov, he has a brother Petrushka, twenty years old, and Petrushka has a son, Sereshka, three years old.
92. Kuzemka Bokarev, he has a son Ivashka, twenty years old.
93. Nefedka Bokarev, he has children Senka and Fedotka, twenty years old, Ivashko, fifteen years old.
94. Grishka Galkin, he has children Vaska, and Lavrushka, Mikitka, nine years old,(l.10) Vaska has a six-year-old son, Mitka.
95. Larka Ignatov, he has a five-year-old son, Fedka.
96. Artyushka Klemenov, he has a brother... a son, Mitka, five years old.
97. Stenka Bolotov, he has children Pimenka and Mishka, twenty years old, Pronka, seven years old, Pimenka has Fedka, six years old.
98. Alyoshka Lukyanov, he has a six-year-old son, Moiseyka.
99. Larka Timofeev, son of Storozhev, lives in Cossack Sloboda with Fedka Guryev.
100. Ivashka Vasiliev, he has children Afonka, eight years old, Taraska, five years old.
101. Larka Afonasyev, he has a son Fedka, ten years old, and a brother-in-law, Simonka, twenty years old.
102. Demka Afonasyev, he has a son, Kornyushka, eight years old.
103. Grishka Prokofiev, he has brothers(l.10 rev) Potapka is twenty years old, and brother Mishka is twelve years old, and Senka is ten years old.
104. Efremka Chebotarev, he has children Senka, yes Fedka, and Potapka, twenty years old, and he has a nephew Petrushka, twelve years old, and last year he was Efremka in the dat.
105. Kharlashka Ivanov, he has brothers Afonka, fourteen years old, Ivashka, ten years old, Mikitka, seven years old.
106. Petrushka Korelin, he has a seven-year-old son, Stenka.
107. Klenka -?
Korelin, he has a ten-year-old son, Andryushka.
108. Ivashka Galkin, he has a son Ivashka, twenty years old.
109. Ratka Titov, he has a son Vaska, three years old. 110. Tarasko Eremin, he has a six-year-old nephew, Elizarko.
(l.11)
111. Ivashko Eremin, he has a son Elizarko, eight years old.
112. Ivashka Shaev -? , he has children Ivashka, eight years old, Vaska, six years old.
113. Eroshka Pakov.
114. Trushka Ivanov, he has brothers Fedotka, and Vaska, eighteen years old, Fedotka, thirteen years old.
115. Obakumko Galyatin, he has brothers Taraska, and Taraska is twenty years old, Obakumka has children Ivashka, six years old, Alyoshka, four years old.
116. Larka Vasiliev, he has a brother Kharka.
118. Ivashka Volodin, he has children Levka, twenty years old, Mikishka, fourteen years old, Mikishka, twenty years old, and Mitroshka, ten years old.
119. Mikishka Afonasyev.
120. Laktyushka (l.11ob) Ryshkin, his brother Karpushka is two years old.
121. Vaska Bubnov, he has children Timoshka, Timoshka has children Fedka ten years old, Senka seven years old, Alyoshka three years old.
122. Emelka Bubnov, he has children Filka, and Mishka, twenty years old, Ivashka, fifteen years old, Matyushka, ten years old, Fedka, three years old, Filka has a son, Timoshka, two years old, and they beat Vaska and Emelka with their foreheads in a beghot -?
in the peasantry, steward Abram Ivanov, son of Khitrovo, and mayor of people, children who are homeless Ivashka Fedorov, son of Brezhnev, ten years old, Oska Leontyev, eight years old, Petrushka Chebotarev, five years old. Total in posad courtyards (l.12)
one hundred and twenty-two courtyards, and there are four twenty-eight people in them, and in Venev, in the Posad, there are boyar courtyards, and in them the Venevsky Posad people live as janitors.
1. Boyar Prince Pyotr Ivanovich Prozorovsky, and the townsman Anurka Shchuchin lives in it.
2. Stolnik Vasily Petrov’s son Kikin, and Kondrashka Ostapov lives in it, he has a brother Ivashka.
3. Mikhail Mikhailov, son of Aforosimov, and Senka Matveev, son of Khramov, lives in it, he has a brother Antoshka, seven years old. 4. Ivan Mikhailov’s son Afrosimov, Pronka Ignatov lives in it, he has children Alyoshka, Filka, Kondrashka, (l.12 rev)
Alyoshka is nine years old, Filka is six years old, Kondrashka is five years old.
5. Stepan Dokhturov, Aniska Bokarev lives there, he has children Andryushka, fifteen years old, Alyoshka, thirteen years old, Vaska, five years old, Antropka, eighteen years old.
6. Vasily Sontsov, Ermoshka Shaev’s son Krivoshein lives there, he has children Petrushka, twenty years old, Senka, fifteen years old.
7. Peter Kozmin, son of Ilyin, Fomka Bokarev lives in it, he has a son Petrushka, twenty years old. In total there are seven janitors of the townspeople, eighteen people. Oboevo on the posad of the townspeople and boyars one hundred and twenty-nine yards, and people (l.13)
№3
four hundred and forty-six people, and which households arrived in excess of the previous ones were rewritten by the engineer. And those arriving households in their settlement arrived according to the division that was divided... nephews and brothers, from brothers, and those newcomers live in households and... with them... and those newcomers came and them Petrushka Anikeev, and He was a serf guard on Tula, and Mikishka came from Mikhailov from the posad. ... Mikishka and Petrushka, among the newcomers, are not in the settlement.
The Verkoshsky camp is for the landowners...
Notes:
Some names
Ganka - Gabriel
Garaska - Gerasim
Larka - Larion
Ratka - Rodion
Mitroshka - Mitrofan
Filka - Filimon, Philip
Pronka - Prokofy
Ofremka - Ephraim
Mikishka - Nikifor
Zemsky household censuses - comprehensive research social economic situation peasant farming. They were one of the main elements of zemstvo statistics of the Russian Empire.
The main purpose of conducting zemstvo household censuses is to clarify the general socio-economic condition of the peasant economy in certain moment, as a rule, on the scale of the province or individual counties.
Story
Thus, zemstvo household censuses were carried out for 34 years with short interruptions. Zemstvo household censuses were carried out in 311 districts of European Russia, and in 58 districts the census took place twice, and in 17 districts three times. The publication of materials amounted to more than a hundred volumes.
Chronologically, three periods can be distinguished in the history of zemstvo household censuses.
In the first period of development (-), the main outlines of the methodology of Zemstvo household censuses were created. Until the mid-1880s, Zemstvo household censuses developed rapidly, but since 1887, when the census was brought under the control of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, statistical work began to decline. In total, 178 counties were surveyed during the first period.
The second period covers -1906. The land assessment laws of 1893 and 1899 contributed to a rise in interest in conducting Zemstvo household censuses, but in 1895 the Ministry of Internal Affairs generally prohibited the conduct of censuses accompanied by a survey of the entire population, in connection with the general population census planned for 1897. The rise that began at the end of the 19th century was stopped due to the introduction of restrictions on statistical work in many provinces. In the second period, new phenomena were observed in the methodology of Zemstvo household censuses - conducting sample surveys (Kaluga, Samara and other provinces) and conducting repeated studies. A total of 123 counties were surveyed during the second period.
The third period of development of Zemstvo household censuses was 1913. A new rise begins in 1907. However, the outbreak of the First World War led to the curtailment of most zemstvo statistical work. Behind last period 82 counties were surveyed.
Methodology for conducting zemstvo household censuses
Despite the fact that censuses are called household censuses, some of the information was collected not for each household separately, but for the entire community or village. As a rule, when conducting Zemstvo household censuses, two programs were used - household, in which each individual household was surveyed, and settlement (community), in which generalized characteristics were collected. The distribution of questions among programs varied, but, as a rule, information about the population, trades, buildings, livestock, land ownership and land use was collected from door to door. Communally - information about land ownership, agricultural production, farming systems, taxes and duties, prices for agricultural products and labor, as well as other various information relating to the entire community.
The main method of collecting information was the so-called expeditionary method, when the research was carried out on site by statisticians. The correspondent method, which was widely used in collecting current statistics, was practically not used in Zemstvo household censuses.
The expedition method, in turn, was divided into two types: questionnaire - when information was collected by direct survey local residents, deserving of special trust (most often at a village gathering), and continuous, when the entire study area was inspected or all owners were interviewed (household inventory). The questionnaire type prevailed on initial stage conducting Zemsky household censuses, continuous - at the final stage.
At first, Zemstvo household censuses were carried out primarily according to a list system, in which each household was assigned one horizontal line general list, from the second half of the 1880s, censuses using the card system began to predominate, where information about each individual household was entered on a special piece of paper (card).
The number of items included in the survey varied greatly - from several dozen to several hundred (about a hundred in initial period, several hundred in subsequent ones).
Along with digital data, many bureaus provided brief qualitative descriptions of the village, that is, characteristic information from the life of each community that could not be put into tables.
The compilation and publication of collected materials was carried out in several forms: community (settlement) tables, grouping and combination tables. In the case of community-by-community reporting, which prevailed at the first stage of development of Zemsky household censuses, the smallest unit was a community or village. Community tables provided characteristics general conditions economy and an idea of its average level. However, during the post-reform period, property differentiation of peasant farms took place, and the community became less and less homogeneous in its composition. The statisticians were also convinced of this. Therefore, they begin to identify groups of similar communities. The most common grouping is based on such characteristics as the size of arable land, sown area, and the provision of draft livestock in individual households. However, when grouping, the smallest unit was again the community. Knowing that a community consists of property and socially heterogeneous elements (households), from the very beginning of household censuses, statistics were tried to isolate and study different types peasant farms. The identification of such types has become the central problem of house-to-house censuses. To solve these problems, we developed special moves processing of house-to-house census materials - group and combination tables.
Zemstvo household census programs
Most of the Zemsky household census programs include information about the population, labor resources, literacy, crafts, land ownership and land use, the material and technical base of production (livestock, tools and machines, instruments, buildings), farming systems, and agricultural production. Sometimes a question was included about the degree of prosperity of the courtyard according to the testimony of the peasants themselves. In addition to information about general situation peasant farms, publications of Zemsky household censuses provide information on the distribution of peasant farms by the number of workers, the size of land ownership, crops, and the provision of workers and productive livestock.
The programs of Zemstvo household censuses are quite diverse. At the first stage, two directions are distinguished: “Chernigov” and “Moscow”. For the “Chernigov” or “geographical” direction, the main object of research was land, and the main task was to determine the profitability of land. The “Moscow” type focused attention on clarifying the economic situation of the population and studying peasant crafts. In addition to these two areas, there are also studies by the Tver, St. Petersburg and Perm bureaus, each of which had its own specific features. However, from the late 1880s these differences gradually smoothed out.
Use of census data
The main problems associated with the use of Zemstvo household censuses are the difficulty of collating materials on different areas and time of examination. Despite the commonality of the main goals and methods, the Zemstvo household censuses did not have a unified organization and plan. To overcome the problem of heterogeneity in different territories, congresses were held several times: in 1887, the tasks of Zemstvo household censuses were formulated and some agreements were reached to harmonize programs and terms used, in 1898, issues of conducting repeat censuses were discussed, some guidelines conducting censuses in 1901 - they came to the conclusion that it was necessary to develop data in the form of group and combination counts; the issue of criteria for grouping tables was discussed.
The high reliability and detail of the materials from the Zemstvo household censuses determined wide use this source by researchers. Zemstvo household censuses became the subject special study also their contemporaries (V. P. Vorontsov, N. A. Karyshev, V. I. Lenin, A. A. Kaufman, etc.). However for a long time The attention of researchers was mainly attracted by the grouping and summary data of the Zemstvo household censuses.
The main body of information - community-by-community reports - was poorly used. A significant breakthrough in the study of materials from Zemsky household censuses was associated with the use of mathematical methods and structural analysis (I. D. Kovalchenko, K. B. Litvak, T. L. Moiseenko, N. B. Selunskaya, etc.).
In general, the materials of zemstvo household censuses have not yet been sufficiently introduced into scientific circulation. This is especially true for the most valuable array of primary information stored in archives.
Literature
- Grigoriev V.N. Subject index of materials in zemstvo statistical works from 1860 to 1917, Vol. 1-2. - M., 1926-1927
- Swavitskiy N. A., Swavitskaya Z. M. Zemstvo household censuses. District totals 1880-1913. - M., 1926
- Swavitsky N.A. Zemstvo household censuses (Methodology review). - M., 1961
- Kovalchenko I.D., Razumov L.V. Sources on the economy and the situation of peasants // Mass sources on the socio-economic history of Russia during the period of capitalism. - M., 1979
- Kovalchenko I. D., Moiseenko T. L., Selunskaya N. B. Socio-economic structure of peasant farming European Russia in the era of capitalism: (sources and research methods). - M., 1988
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