What the 1st International gave for the working people of the world. The First International: history of creation and activities
INTERNATIONAL 1st (International to-va-ri-sche-st-vo ra-bo-chih) - first mass inter-national -li-ticheskaya or-ga-ni-za-tion pro-le-ta-ria-ta.
He united workers' unions from 13 European countries and the USA. Os-no-van on September 28, 1864 before the hundred-vi-te-la-mi British trade unions, French workers' organizations, as well as social li-sta-mi-emig-ran-ta-mi from Germany, Poland and other countries, with-bra-shi-mi-sya in St. Martin's Hall in London -not with the aim of declaring a test against the suppression of the Polish uprising of 1863-1864 by the European powers. The governing body of the 1st International is from the bi-paradise at the con-gress of the General Council (ras-po-la-gal-xia in London, since 1872 in New York). The founding ma-ni-fest and the statutes of the Inter-people's Association of Workers were ready to be presented to the Sta-vi-te-lem of the German sec -tion and a member of the leadership of the 1st International by K. Marx and was confirmed by the General Council on November 1, 1864. In these documents, in general form, there were sfor-mu-li-ro-va-ny goals for the work of the movement - the destruction the whole class of the state, the establishment of power pro-le-ta-ria-ta, pro-voz-gla-shal - the main principle of the movement is “the os-in-bo-z-de-nie of the work-of-the-class must be for-the-war-but-with-mim-ra- bo-chim class-som.” In the us-ta-ve there was for-fi-si-ro-va-but with-che-ta-nie de-mo-kra-tic rights of national organ-ga-ni-za-tions from the center-tra- li-for-qi-ey, provide-pe-chi-vav-shey a unified action-st-viy pro-le-ta-ria-ta in the international mass-headquarters. Views of the activities of the 1st International, close to K. Marx and F. Engel-su (members of the Council since 1870), were whether A. Be-bel, V. Libk-necht (Germany), I.F. Becker (Switzerland), F.A. Zor-ge (USA), H. Me-sa, P. Ig-le-si-as Pos-se (Is-pa-niya), etc. In the activities of the International 1st active -but did the Russian revolutionaries M.A. teach? Ba-ku-nin, G.A. Lo-pa-tin and P.L. Lav-ditch. The efforts of the General Council of the 1st International were right to attract new members to the work whose unions, for the organization of joint actions, the strengthening of the hundred-Chechen struggle, the development of work -whose pe-cha-ti.
You are working on a pro-gram and so-ti-ki inter-people's work-movement pro-is-ho-di-la at the conference -ren-tsi-yah and con-gress-sah of the 1st International. At the 1st congress (September 3-8, 1866, Zhe-ne-va; 60 de-le-ga-tov, representing 25 sections and 11 workers societies of Ve-li-ko-bri-ta-nia, France, Switzerland and Germany) have made decisions about non-ho-di- the power of introducing an 8-hour work day, oh-no women's and children's labor -yes, obligatory on-technical development, from-me-non-permanent armies, etc. Particular knowledge what had a resolution on trade unions, which was closely tied to the economic struggle of pro-le-ta-ria -that with po-li-ti-che-skaya. The Congress ut-ver-dil established the 1st International. 2nd Congress (September 2-8, 1867, Lozan-na; over 60 de-le-ga-tov from Switzerland, We-li-ko-bri-ta-nia, France tion, Germany, Belgium and Italy) adopted a resolution declaring political freedoms unnecessary di-my us-lo-vi-em so-ci-al-no-go os-vo-bo-zh-de-niya pro-le-ta-ria-ta. 3rd Congress (September 6-13, 1868, Brussels; about 100 de-le-ga-tov from Belgium, We-li-ko-bri-ta-nia, Germany, Spain, Italy, France and Switzerland) approved resolutions on the generalization of land, iron roads, mines and mines and about the non-development of machine-tire production as the basis for the collection of tive work and pre-referral for transfer to the socialist system of management.
By the end of the 1860s, there was a tendency towards the formation of the first working class parties in individual countries. In September 1868, the Nuremberg Congress of the Union of Workers' Pro-Scientific Societies (14 thousand people) announced its support for the program -We are the 1st International. In August 1869, at a congress in the city of Ey-ze-nah, the So-ci-al-de-mo-kra-ticheskaya ra-bo-tea party of Ger-ma- nii (see So-tsi-al-de-mo-kra-ti-che-skaya party of Germany). 4th Congress (September 6-11, 1869, Basel; 78 de-le-ga-tov from Veli-co-bri-ta-nia, France, Germany, Bel- Germany, Switzerland, Italy and Spain) confirmed the Brus-country resolutions on the consolidation of land and you supported the ra-bo-tan-ny K. Mar-x-principle of so-y-for-the-ra-bo-che-class and the cred-st-yan-st-va. Ideas after P.Zh. Pru-d-on, you-st-fallen for the preservation of private property on the earth, did not find support for the con- -gress.
The Franco-Prussian war of 1870-1871 was called for by the next congress of the 1st International, which owed The wives got together in September 1870 in Mainz. Marx in the calls of July 23 and September 9, 1870, made on behalf of the General Council, pro-ana-li-zi- ro-val ha-rak-ter wars and op-re-divided so-ti-ku of the European pro-le-ta-ria-ta in her conditions, calling on the ra-bo -whose class, above all German and French workers, to an in-ter-na-tional-no-mu unity. The 1st International began to fight for peace as part of the fundamental struggle of the working class. On July 21, 1870, the leaders of the German so-ci-al-de-mo-kra-tiya V. Liebk-necht and A. Be-bel went to the Reichs -ta-ge for military credits. Views of the actions of the Paris Commune of 1871 were members of the 1st International (E. Varlen, L. Frankel, Ya. Dom -brovsky, E. Dmitrieva, etc.), many of them died on bar-ri-ka-dah. According to the General Council, Marx wrote an appeal to all members of the International Association in Europe -pe and United States of America - “Civil War in France”, in which there was a pre-pri-nya in an attempt at a theoretical discussion of the lessons of the Paris Commune.
On September 17-23, 1871, the London Conference of the 1st International was held, under the leadership of K. Marx and F . The conference made a decision about the impossibility of creation in every country that is not self-sufficient according to the political party of the pro-le-ta-ria-ta as a solution to the condition for the defeat of the pro-le-tar-re-vo-lu-tion. By this time, there was a conflict between the Mar-Xi-st leadership of the 1st International and M.A. Ba-ku-ni-nim. Having failed to be accepted into the International by the 1st Os-van-noy in 1868, the anarchist organization “International Al-Yans So-Cia- lististic de-mo-kra-tiya", Ba-ku-nin in 1869 announced the growth of al-yan-sa, keeping it within the 1st International as a secret organization. At the 5th con-gress (September 2-7, 1872, Haa-ga) between Marx and the main theo-re-ti-com anar-khiz-ma Ba-ku-ni-nym a sharp struggle broke out. Marx in pro-ti-in-weight Ba-ku-ni-well recognized the un-about-ho-di-most co-preservation of the state-su-dar-st-ven-no-sti and the creation of political parties of pro-le-ta-ria-ta within the framework of individual states. Ba-ku-nin and his supporter J. Gil-om were expelled from the 1st International, due to the influence of the anar-his-sts on the international -the people's labor movement has been preserved.
In the conditions of the pre-following of so-tsia-lists in Europe after the pre-pressure of the Parisian Commune and in the face of the threat of the internal race, the General Council, at the insistence of Marx and Engels, was re-ve-ve- day to New York and completely renovated. The main role in the leadership of the International of the 1st century is played by the representative of the North American Federation - F.A. Zor-ge, F. Bol-te and others. However, this is not the uk-re-pi-lo of the 1st International in the pro-le-tar movement and not led to his con-co-li-da-tion. Teach that the ideas of Marc-Siz-ma are sufficiently wide-spread in the work environment , K. Marx considered the historical merit of the 1st International. “Events and unavoidable developments... we ourselves are clamoring for the restoration of the In-ter-na-tsio- na-la in an improved form,” he wrote to F.A. Zor-ge. The 1st International was official-tsi-al-but dis-pu-schen by the decision of the Phil-la-Delphia conference of 1876.
Historical sources:
La Premiere Internationale. Recueil de documents. Gen., 1962. Vol. 1-2;
About the ko-ly General-no-go So-ve-ta Per-vo-go In-ter-na-tsio-na-la. M., 1961-1965. [T. 1-5];
First In-ter-na-tsio-nal and Paris Com-mu-na. Do-ku-men-you and ma-te-ria-ly. M., 1972.
The First International is the embodiment of the idea of the socialist system in reality. Long before the events of October 1917, this project appeared in the world. There are two main ideologists: Bakunin and Marx. There was a serious struggle between them for minds and for ideological leadership. Massive accusations of espionage against Russia, slander and other methods trampled Bakunin.
Marx's supporters won. It was Marxist ideas that served as the ideology of our Bolshevik revolutionaries. Does the First International have anything to do with the events of 1917 in Russia? What was it, a conspiracy or the stormy course of history? Let's try to figure it out.
First International: year of creation
On September 28, 1864, the International Working Men's Association was founded in London. Organizers - K. Marx and F. Engels with their supporters. This partnership is the First International.
Educational background
The end of the 19th century is not a coincidental time for the creation of such workers' organizations. Many events happened in the world that contributed to this:
- in 1789 in France.
- Major development of modern industry in Europe with an increase in factories, factories and therefore the number of workers.
- in transport. 1807 - invention of the steamship, which by the end of the 19th century completely replaced the sailing fleet. Russia and Türkiye are the last countries in Europe where they could still be observed. The railway network grew at a rapid pace.
All these events gave rise to an increase in the number of workers who began to think about their political and economic rights. However, everyone understood that a strong union of workers was needed. A fist that can withstand the onslaught of wealthy capitalists with administrative resources. It was on this fertile soil that the ideological “shepherds” of such ideas - K. Marx and F. Engels - began their activities.
It was they who tried to direct the economic demands of the workers in the “right” political direction.
However, it is a mistake to think that there were two ideologists. Supporters of these ideas were also among the highest financial circles in Europe. One of them is George Odger, secretary of the London Council of Trade Unions. He pushed the idea of worker representation in parliament.
Push to the International
The creation of the First International is associated with the first economic crisis of the capitalist system in 1857-1859. Against the backdrop of simultaneous problems in all developed industrial countries, an understanding of global unification came among workers. It was from this period that the proletarian unions of England and France came to the conclusion of a single international organization. event in Russia. In 1863, Alexander II dealt with the revolution in Poland. The rebels demanded independence.
Marxists organized widespread meetings of workers. They described the allegedly inhumane methods of the “Russian punitive forces”, who are cutting off the political freedom of the “peace-loving Poles” at the root. There was no talk of any economic demands in Poland. This corner of the empire was the most developed in this regard. The central government did not interfere in internal Polish legislation.
The technique of manipulating public consciousness was used by the ideologists of the International. They directed the working masses towards political demands, which had not happened before. Slogans of war with Russia were shouted to mass approval. The proletarian began to understand his strength. Or rather, they helped him do it.
Russian “atrocities” are a symbol of the unification of European workers
On December 5, 1863, English workers turned to French workers with a proposal for joint demands on the governments. The goals are a war with Russia for the independence of Poland.
A year later, in 1864, a joint meeting took place in London, in St. Martin's Hall. Thus, the situation in Russia became a decisive factor for unification. K. Marx himself, who had never appeared at such events before, was present at this meeting. He felt a change in the consciousness of the working class, which realized that it constituted a powerful driving force in history.
First Congress: organizing planned strikes
In 1866, in Geneva, the activities of the First International were associated with the organization of the first congress.
It adopted the charter drawn up by Marx, elected the General Council, and listened to the reports of the workers. After the congress, the new Council began to lead workers' strikes. Now these were no longer chaotic scattered speeches, but well-planned actions. While the police disperse some demonstrators, others begin to go on strike at the other end of the city.
Second Congress: Creation of Political Forces
The second congress of the First International was convened in Lausanne in September 1867.
More serious issues appeared on the agenda: the active participation of socialist forces with the mass support of workers in the political life of the country. After him, the bourgeoisie began to show serious fears for their capital and privileged position in society.
Third Congress: Call to War
At the third congress in Brussels in 1868, ideas were expressed for the military defense of their ideas. In fact, the First International called for a class revolution. At the congress a resolution “on the manifestation of the greatest activity” appeared. One can observe the transformation of an idea from economic demands to a call for the overthrow of the system in a fairly short period.
Neither the authorities nor the bourgeoisie could tolerate this anymore. Political persecution begins. Created in France, it was dispersed. This dealt a serious blow to the International. Supporters across Europe began to be imprisoned, fired from their jobs, etc.
Who needs it?
As the Roman lawyer Cassius said, if a crime occurs, it means that someone needs it. Indeed, who could need a revolution in a rapidly developing Europe? It is paradoxical that the most radical views and calls for war occur precisely at the peak of development. Never before have Europeans lived in such conditions. History repeated itself with our country. It was during the period of greatest power of the state in the entire history of the Russian Empire that similar forces became active in our country. However, our society was unable to cope with such a threat. Why did the First International prove to be unviable? Has he disappeared from the political struggle? This will be discussed further.
First International: briefly about further events
The First International was not ready to unite into a single revolutionary struggle in Europe. Wise Europeans realized that they needed to follow the path of liberalism, not revolution. After this, the General Council of the International moved to the USA. Its further manifestation will affect our history during the February and then the October revolutions. It is from the USA that the founder of the idea of world revolution will come, but we will assume that perhaps this is a coincidence. The First International formally existed until 1876, when a decision was made in Philadelphia to terminate it.
Results
It is noteworthy that the First and Second Internationals aimed at the mandatory overthrow of the political systems of rapidly developing Europe. Bakunin was precisely against this. He called only for improving the life and work of the working class. Perhaps that is why an entire Marxist conspiracy was organized against him. According to one version, this was done to eliminate a competitor. What was important to the leaders of the International was the socialist revolution, the destruction of a prosperous Europe.
Lenin mentions similar plans of the International in his writings: “With the creation of the International Workers’ Association, for the first time in history a mass international independent party of the proletariat appeared, which, thanks to the leadership of Marx, based its activities on the principle of class struggle against the bourgeoisie.”
Further events in history led to this. Only the driving force behind the world chaos was not the socialist International, but the nationalist forces of Germany, which came from the ruins of the world war. It is noteworthy that it was bankers from the United States who provided assistance to Hitler. Perhaps this is a coincidence.
Creation of the International .
First Internationalits appearance is largely due to the economic crisis that began in 1857 and affected many European countries. One of the consequences of this crisis was the intensification of the class struggle in Poland in 1863–64, which resulted in the Polish national liberation uprising. The uprising was suppressed with the help of European powers. To protest against the suppression of the uprising on September 28, 1864, an international meeting was convened at St. Martin's Hall (London), on the joint initiative of English and French workers. The purpose of this meeting was to create an international workers' association that would defend the class interests of workers. This first mass international organization of workers was called the International Working Men's Association or the International. This was itFirst International, and September 28, 1864 became the day of its formation. Workers from Germany, Italy, Poland and Ireland also took part in the meeting. K. Marx took part in organizing the meeting, who then joined the steering committee elected at the meeting, later called the General Council. A narrower Standing Committee was separated from the General Council. Bourgeois elements attempted to subordinate the newly formed labor movement to their influence, but this was not successful. K. Marx united around himself the most conscious members of the council and actually headedFirst International.At the request of the General Council, Marx prepared the Founding Manifesto and the Charter of the International Working Men's Association. These important documents were approved by the General Council on November 1, 1864. They formulated in the most general form the goals of the proletarian movement - the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the power of the working class, and also proclaimed the basic principle of the movement - “the liberation of the working class must be won by the working class itself.” The founding manifesto ended with the call: “Workers of all countries - unite!”
Activities of the International .
Its activitiesFirst Internationaldirected to coordinate the struggle of workers for their rights in individual countries. He led the strike struggle and organized mutual support for protests among the proletarians. A classic example is the strike of metallurgical workers in Paris in 1867 . When workers went on strike in response to worsening working conditions and lower wages, their employers fired them. The owners hoped that the hungry workers would not last long. HoweverInternationalorganized the workers of England, who collected the necessary funds and quickly sent them to their French comrades. The hosts retreated. News of this workers' victory quickly spread throughout Europe and contributed to the growth of membership and popularityInternational.
Main governing bodyInternationalthere was Congress. Between congresses, activities were led by the General Council. To work locally, sections were created - national and city organizations of the International. Until 1872 the General Council was located in London, then moved to New York. A large amount of organizational and theoretical work in the General Council was carried out by K. Marx, who actually directed the activitiesFirst International. In 1870, F. Engels joined the General Council.
Marx and Engels united advanced proletarians around themselves, developing the ideas of scientific socialism, which reveals the objective laws of social development and meets the fundamental interests of the working class of all countries. This was not an easy task, given thatInternationalunited in one organization representatives of English trade unions, French, Belgian, Italian and Spanish Proudhonists, German Lassalleans and Russian Bakuninists. There was constant competition and struggle between these theoretical movements for influence on the labor movement. And yet, they jointly participated in class battles, fought for the unity of action of the international proletariat, and exchanged experiences in the press and at congresses.
The activities of the International Workers' Association revealed the talents of outstanding public figures, whose names subsequently became widely known. These are Russian revolutionaries M.A. Bakunin, P.I. Utin, G.D. Lopatin, P.L. Lavrov, E.L. Dmitrieva. With Marx and Engels throughout the workFirst Internationalactively collaborated with A. Bebel, W. Liebknecht (Germany), I.F. Becker (Switzerland), F.A. Sorge (USA), H. Messa, P. Iglesias (Spain), E. Dupont, P. Lafargue (France). G. Jung (Switzerland), R. Shaw (England), J.P. McDonnell (Ireland), L. Frankel (Hungary), V. Wroblewski (Poland), etc.
Main stages of workFirst InternationalCongresses and conferences determined the program and tactics of the international labor movement.
London Conference The International Working Men's Association took place on September 25-29, 1865. It was dedicated to approving the agenda of the upcoming congress. The main struggle broke out between Marx and the Proudhonists over the inclusion in the agenda of the demand for the restoration of Poland on a democratic basis. This created the basis for the joint struggle of the proletarians of various countries against the reactionary foreign policy of European governments. Marx's opponents, the French and Belgian Proudhonists, opposed the participation of the proletariat in the national liberation struggle. Marx managed to defend his position and put this issue on the agenda.
First Congress.
First CongressInternationaltook place in Geneva from September 3 to 8, 1866. It was attended by representatives of 25 sections and 11 workers' societies in Germany, Great Britain, France and Switzerland, a total of 60 people.
The draft resolutions of the congress were prepared by K. Marx. These projects laid the basis for congressional decisions on the legislative limitation of the working day to 8 hours for all workers, the protection of women's and children's labor, and compulsory polytechnic education. The most active discussion was caused by the resolution on trade unions, which closely linked the economic struggle of the workers with the political one. Opponents of this understanding of the struggle of the proletariat were the Proudhonists, who rejected trade unions, the German Lassalleans, who belittled the role of trade unions, and representatives of the English trade unions, who advocated only economic methods of struggle within the framework of capitalist society.
The Congress approved the Charter of the International. Thus, the period of formation has endedFirst International, which actually became a mass proletarian international organization. The decisions of the first Congress (Geneva) were a significant success for the programmatic and organizational principles of Marxism.
Second Congress.
The next, second, congress of the First International was held in Lausanne (Switzerland). Delegates of workers' organizations from Great Britain, Switzerland, Germany, France, Belgium and Italy took part in its work, a total of 60 delegates. The agrarian question became the core of the discussions at the congress. A significant part of the delegates supported collective ownership of land along with ownership of factories, mines, mines, forests, etc. They demanded that the land issue be included for discussion at the next congress. They also adopted a resolution that recognized political freedoms as one of the necessary conditions for the social liberation of the proletariat.
Third Congress.
On September 6-13, 1868, the third congress took place in BrusselsInternational. About 100 delegates from workers' organizations in European countries took part in it. As a result of heated discussions between Marxists and left and right Proudhonists, a resolution was adopted on the public ownership of mines, mines, railways, and with it the land. Contrary to the right-wing Proudhonists, a resolution formulated by Marx was also adopted, which stated that the introduction of machines entails the organization of collective labor and creates the preconditions for the transition to a socialist production system. Brussels CongressFirst Internationalwith his decisions he marked the victory of revolutionary socialism over petty-bourgeois reformism.
By this time, the desire to form the first independent parties in various countries and their accession to the program of the first International had become noticeable in the labor movement. Such organizations were, for example, the Union of Workers' Educational Societies of Germany and the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany, founded in August 1869 in the city of Eisenach.
Founded by M.A. Bakunin's organization, the Alliance of Socialist Democracy, also made an attempt to enterFirst International. Rejected due to the incompatibility of his openly anarchist views with Marxism, Bakunin announced the liquidation of the organization, but retained the core of the Alliance within the First International as a secret organization.
Fourth Congress.
The fourth congress of the First International was held in Basel (Switzerland) on September 6-11, 1869. In addition to the delegates of labor organizations from European countries, the delegate of the National Labor Union of the USA E.K. also took part in the work of the congress. Cameron. The Basel Congress confirmed the resolutions on the socialization of the land adopted in Brussels. The right Proudhonists suffered a final defeat, and the agrarian programFirst International, which was based on the principle of an alliance between the working class and the peasantry, was finally determined. At the Basel Congress, a split between the various theoretical currents of the First International clearly emerged. The theory of “Scientific Communism”, developed by Marx, found strong opponents in the anarchists, led by Bakunin. Promoting the ideas of the international brotherhood of workers and sharing the main provisions of socialist ideology, Bakunin, nevertheless, believed that any power, including communists over the people, is evil, and the main evil that must be eliminated is the state. He called for the destruction of every state. Marx and Engels insisted on their theory as the only correct one. As a result of these disagreements, voting on various resolutions and amendments revealed the following “balance of power”:
63% of deputies supported the editing of the so-called texts. anti-authoritarian wing (“Bakuninists”),
31% supported the editing of texts developed by Marxists,
6% supported the ideas of the Proudhonists.
At the same time, the first two groups supported the proposal to socialize the land. And the entire Congress unanimously supported the decision to organize workers into resistance societies - syndicates (trade unions).
The Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune.
The Fifth Congress of the International was scheduled to convene in September 1870 in Mainz. However, the congress did not take place due to the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. The General Council issued two appeals, on July 23 and September 9, 1870, in which they analyzed the nature of the war and determined the tactics of the proletariat in relation to the war, spoke about the international unity of the working class and the brotherhood of German and French workers. During the warFirst Internationalled mass anti-war protests of the proletariat in European countries. In Germany, the German Social Democratic Workers' Party showed particular activity in anti-war protests. When the Second Empire in France collapsed on September 4, 1870, the Central Committee of the party, in a manifesto later called the Brunswick Manifesto, demanded that an honorable peace be immediately concluded with the French Republic.
During this period, addressing the French workers, Marx urged to use the conditions of a bourgeois republic for the formation and development of an independent party, and also warned against premature revolutionary action, since the opponents of the proletariat at that moment were not only their own bourgeoisie, but also the Prussian forces standing under the walls of Paris interventionists. However, at the time of the revolution of March 18, 1871 and the formation of the Paris Commune, the French branchesInternationalturned out to be too weak and could not lead the French proletariat. Individual members of the First International from various countries played a prominent role in the Commune. Many died at the barricades.
The General Council carried out a wide campaign in Europe to explain the true content of events in France and was actively working to provide material and moral assistance to the communards. K. Marx, fulfilling the instructions of the General Council, wrote an Appeal to the members of the International Workers' Association entitled “The Civil War in France.” The appeal revealed the essence of the Paris Commune as the first experience in history of the dictatorship of the proletariat, analyzed the mistakes and causes of defeat, and summarized the lessons of the Commune.
Split of the International .
After the defeat of the Paris Commune, the situationFirst Internationalhas become extremely difficult. In almost all European countries, belonging to the International was equated to a state crime. The struggle between theoretical currents within the International also intensified. Bakunin's supporters, taking advantage of the complexity of the international situation, sharply intensified their destructive activities. The split in the International became clear.
From September 17 to 23, 1871, a conference organized by Marx and Engels took place in London. The purpose of the conference was to adjust the program of the International Workers' Association in the light of the lessons of the Paris Commune. Issues of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the organization of workers' parties and the further political struggle of the working people were discussed. The most important result of the conference was the decision to create an independent workers' party in each country as the main condition for the political victory of the proletariat. They also decided to strengthen work in trade unions, in rural areas and among women.
In November 1871, the Bakuninists convened a separate congress in Sonvilliers (Switzerland), at which they proclaimed the abolition of the General Council and the granting of complete autonomy to the national sections. To neutralize the destructive influence of anarchism, Marx and Engels, with the approval of the General Council, drew up a circular document in March 1872, which later became known as “Imaginary Schisms in the International.” The circular debunked Bakunin's schismatic activities and revealed the petty-bourgeois essence of his views.
Fifth Congress.
From September 2 to 7, 1872, the Fifth Congress of the International, prepared directly by Marx and Engels, was held in The Hague. It was attended by 65 delegates from Europe and America. The Congress approved the decisions of the London Conference on the directions of the political struggle of the proletariat, in the CharterFirst Internationalrelevant items were included. The Bakuninists, united with the leaders of the English trade unions, put up fierce resistance to the decisions of the congress, as a result of which Bakunin and his supporter Guillaume were expelled from the ranks of the First International. Members of the organization and sections sympathizing with the expelled also left the International. The split of the International Workers' Association has become a fact. Based on the results of the congress, the report of the General Council “The Alliance of Socialist Democracy and the International Workers' Association”, compiled by K. Marx, F. Engels and P. Lafargue, was published. The report revealed the secret activities of the Bakuninists within the International.
Completion of the activities of the first International.
Repression reigned in Europe, and there was a threat of the leadership of the International being seized by ideological opponents. Due to these circumstances, the General Council, at the insistence of Marx and Engels, moved to New York. In the USA, the General Council was updated and members of the North American Federation (F. Bolte, F.A. Sorge, etc.) came to leadership.
After moving to the USA, the activities of the First International gradually faded away. Its existence formally continued for another 4 years, and in 1876 it was dissolved by the decision of the Philadelphia Conference.
Organizations that splintered fromFirst Internationalat the Hague Congress, continued to convene their congresses, existing under the name of the International Workers' Association (Anarchist International). From 1877 to 1922 .G. the activities of this organization were suspended, and in 1922 the organization was resumed under the same name, now better known as the Berlin International of Trade Unions.
Historical significance of the First International.
Historical meaningFirst Internationalhuge. Under his leadership, the labor movement in Europe went from timid protests with economic demands to an attempt to create the first proletarian state in history.First Internationalsummarized the tragic experience of the Paris Commune, determined the directions of the political struggle of the proletariat, outlined tasks and took the first steps towards creating mass socialist workers' parties in developed capitalist countries.
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The 1st International (International Workers' Association) is the first international mass revolutionary organization founded by K. Marx and F. Engels in 1864. On July 23, 1863, a meeting of representatives of English and French workers took place in London, which decided to create an international organization proletariat. A committee was elected to develop program documents for the association. On his instructions, shoemaker J. Odger wrote an appeal “To the workers of France from the workers of England” - a clear economic program. The response of the French workers, written by the engraver A. Tholen, ended with the words: “Our salvation is in solidarity.” Both documents had a common idea - the need for international unity. On the basis of this platform, the preparatory committee established contact with representatives of other nationalities and prepared the founding assembly of the International Workers' Association. It took place on September 28, 1864 in London. The Partnership included English trade unionists, French Proudhonists, and Italian Mazzinists. K. Marx wrote the “Founding Manifesto of the International Workers' Association” and the general charter.
The central idea of the manifesto was the program position of the proletarian movement: “... the liberation of the working class must be won by the working class itself” (Marx K., Engels F. Soch., vol. 16, p. 12). Of particular importance was the thesis that the number of workers “only decides the matter when the masses are covered by the organization and are guided by knowledge” (ibid.). This phrase contains the idea of the need for a political party of the working class. K. Marx substantiated the conclusion about the need for international solidarity of the proletarians of all countries, uniting their efforts in the fight against a common enemy - the international bourgeoisie.
The charter defined the organizational forms of the Partnership and the principles of its leadership; it contained elements of democratic centralism. The Charter took into account the historically established forms of the labor movement in different countries. The International did not oppose itself to already existing workers' organizations, but sought to rely on them and direct their activities towards a single common goal.
The history of the International is the history of the struggle for the spread of Marxist ideas in the labor movement. For a long time, the main opponent of Marxism in the International was Proudhonism (it is based on the views of the French socialist and anarchist theorist P. J. Proudhon. In particular, Proudhon and his followers saw the root cause of social injustice in the state). In the International, the Proudhonists opposed the creation of a proletarian party; They pinned their hopes for the liberation of the working class on the development of cooperation.
The positions of the Marxists turned out to be more attractive to workers, and this was reflected in the decisions of the Brussels Congress of 1868. Contrary to the Proudhonists, the congress adopted resolutions approving the strike struggle, the creation of trade unions and the legal limitation of the working day to eight hours. A strong blow to Proudhonism was dealt by the resolution adopted by Congress on the transfer of land, forests, roads and means of communication to the collective ownership of society. The ideological defeat of Proudhonism was completed at the Basel Congress of 1869. The overwhelming majority of congress delegates came to the conclusion that private ownership of land, mines, and mines should be destroyed.
Then the Russian revolutionary M.A. Bakunin became “enemy No. 1” in the International. Bakunin first appeared in the International at the Basel Congress. During a discussion on the agrarian question, he formulated his concept of “social liquidation.” “By social liquidation,” Bakunin explained, “I mean the abolition of the political and legal state, which sanctions and ensures the appropriation by the few of the products of the labor of the many.” The instrument for carrying out “social liquidation” was to be Bakunin’s secret organization “Alliance of Socialist Democracy”. Bakunin's attempt to legalize the Alliance as a special society within the International met with decisive rebuff from the General Council, which immediately demanded the dissolution of the Alliance. Bakunin agreed, but in reality maintained a secret society that continued its subversive work against the Marxist leadership of the International.
In September 1871, a “secret conference of the Partnership” took place in London. She was faced with the task of implementing the experience and lessons of the Paris Commune in the international labor movement. The main conclusion of the conference was that without an organized, united political party, the working class could not achieve its goal. The London Conference of the International condemned Bakunin's concept of renunciation of political struggle, clearly emphasizing in its documents the idea of the unity of the economic and political struggle of the working class.
Based on the decisions of the conference, the General Council launched a fight against Bakunism. This struggle was completed at the Hague Congress in 1872. The Congress confirmed the decisions of the London Conference on the significance of the political struggle and the role of the political party of the working class in achieving the intended goal - building a classless society. The Congress decided to expel Bakunin and his closest associate, the Swiss anarchist J. Guillaume, from the International for schismatic activities.
Many of the programmatic and tactical principles of the 1st International were subsequently thoroughly tested in the process of class struggle. As for its organizational structure, it no longer corresponded to the scale of the growing labor movement. The task of creating independent proletarian parties came onto the agenda with all urgency. Having completed its tasks, the 1st International was dissolved in 1876.
One hundred and fifty years ago, on September 28, 1864, the International Working Men's Association, better known as the First International, was born. This first international proletarian organization paved the way for the growth of workers' organizations and the worldwide spread of Marxism. The ruling class of those times trembled before this revolutionary threat.
As the name suggests, this was the first attempt at international worker organizing. The need for such an organization arose from the international situation of the working class. Capitalism is a global system based on the global division of labor and the world market. The role of the working class is the same all over the world and therefore the struggle of the working class is the same.
Given the nature of capitalism, the struggle of the working class and the movement towards socialism must be worldwide. The struggle for socialism is either international, or it is an empty phrase. “Socialism in one country” is impossible. The task of the socialist revolution is to abolish private ownership of the means of production and the nation state, a product of capitalism.
Only in this way, by destroying interethnic barriers and creating a world federation of socialist states, can we break the shackles of private profit and freely use the planet’s resources for the common good.
Unite!
In the words of Marx and Engels, “the workers have no fatherland” and, therefore, “Workers of all countries unite! The responsibility for this struggle falls on the shoulders of the international organization of the working class." It was with these ideas that Marx organized the first International.
The International Working Men's Association (First International), founded at St. Martin's Hall in London in September 1864, was not a Marxist organization. It included a number of factions: British reformist trade unions, French radicals, Proudhonists, supporters of Mazzini, as well as Russian anarchists. Nevertheless, the recognized leader, given his role, was Marx, who drew up the famous “Founding Manifesto” and charter and supervised its work.
Although the British working class was already engaged in trade union and political struggle, especially in the Chartist movement, in Europe and America the proletariat was only gaining strength. The socialist ideas of Robert Owen, Saint-Simon and Fourier were popular, but the labor movement was still in its infancy. These early theories offered bold critiques of capitalism, but they were mostly utopian schemes not rooted in class struggle.
Basics
In the years preceding the creation of the First International, Marx and Engels laid the basis for scientific socialism, based on the development of history and class struggle. The main ideas of Marxism were contained in the Communist Manifesto, a revolutionary document written in 1848 for the international workers' party.
During the years of reaction that followed the defeat of the revolutions of 1848, Marx and Engels maintained close ties with the leaders of the labor and democratic movements in different countries. By advocating the independence of the labor movement, they created the theoretical and practical foundation for the founding of the First International.
Marx devoted himself entirely to the creation of the First International. He took part in the founding conference on behalf of the German proletariat and played a vital role in its work.
The Conference established a Provisional Committee to draw up the rules of the association, and Marx had to develop a program that would unite the various tendencies of the labor movement and give the organization a class, proletarian character rather than the kind of mutual aid society that the reformists demanded. Marx's work in the International became the cornerstone for the propagation of ideas in the international movement that became known as Marxism.
As Corresponding Secretary for Germany, Marx was a guiding light in the International's governing body, the General Council. His weekly work, scheduled minute by minute, is a catalog of the organization's activities, the development of the labor movement and the struggle to spread its ideas.
Marx devoted all his efforts to uniting disparate groups of the European working class into a single international army. This was a mammoth task, given the different political levels of each section.
And yet he managed to develop a program that did not alienate either the British trade unions, or the French, Belgian and Swiss Proudhonists, or the German Lassalleans. Only in this way could the mass character of the International be ensured.
“It was very difficult to get our views expressed in a form that would make them acceptable to the modern level of the labor movement. In about two weeks these same people will be holding meetings with Bright and Cobden about suffrage. It takes time until the newly awakened movement makes possible the former boldness of speech. Need to be fortiter in re, suaviter in modo».
Working class
First of all, Marx needed to defend the proletarian character of the organization from the encroachments of bourgeois politicians seeking to use the movement for their own purposes. To this end, he constantly sought to strengthen the proletarian core of the General Council and achieve truly international representation. The “General Rules of Association,” written by Marx, opened with the statement “that the emancipation of the working class must be the work of the working class itself; that the struggle for the emancipation of the working class does not mean a struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition of all class domination.” The Founding Manifesto, also written by Marx, emphasized his proletarian goals: “The conquest of political power becomes the great duty of the working class.” It ended with the words from the Manifesto: “Workers of all countries, unite!” As a result of this strong position, most of the meco-bourgeois elements left the Council by the spring of 1865.
Thanks to its energetic work, the International established strong ties with the trade unions of England. The first national trade union conference in Sheffield in July 1866 passed a resolution calling on trade unions to join the International Working Men's Association as it was 'essential to the progress and prosperity of the whole working community'. In 1867, more than 30 trade unions, numbering about 50 thousand members, joined there. This is all the more remarkable given that these were unions of skilled workers who represented the most conservative sections of the class. The mass of unskilled workers at that time remained unorganized.
Sections of the International quickly sprang up in the United States and throughout the European continent, including Russia. In Germany, the International took up the creation of trade unions and played an important role in the founding of the German Social Democratic Workers' Party.
Fight for wages
Marx took every opportunity to put forward his ideas in relation to a specific situation. In the spring of 1865, John Weston, a member of the General Council, declared that it was useless and even harmful for workers to fight for higher wages, believing that rising wages caused rising prices. Marx took the opportunity to argue with Weston and explain his economic theory. In conclusion, Marx proposed the following resolution to the General Council, setting out his views on trade unions:
- A general increase in the level of wages would lead to a fall in the general rate of profit, but would generally not affect the prices of goods.
- The general tendency of capitalist production leads not to an increase, but to a decrease in the average level of wages.
- Trade unions successfully act as centers of resistance to the advance of capital. Part of their failure is due to the misuse of their power. In general they fail because they limit themselves to a guerrilla struggle against the consequences of the existing system, instead of simultaneously striving to change it, instead of using their organized forces as a lever for the final emancipation of the working class, that is, the final destruction of the wage system.
World
The Founding Manifesto also addressed foreign policy issues and stated that the working class had the responsibility to “master the secrets of international politics.” The International boldly advocated progressive international endeavors. During the American Civil War (1861-65), the International supported the industrial states of the North against the rebellious slaveholders of the South. English workers defended the cause of the northerners against the policies of the British government, which sided with the slave owners, and thereby prevented English intervention in the civil war.
Although Marx, of course, did not consider Abraham Lincoln a communist, this did not prevent him and the International from expressing their deep sympathy for the revolutionary struggle that he led against slavery. The International sent a message of greetings written by Marx to President Lincoln, who, in turn, highly appreciated the moral support of the International.
Marx and Engels
While working in the General Council, Marx actively collaborated with Engels, as can be seen from their correspondence. However, until he moved to London in 1870, Engels could not directly participate in the Council. Over the years of the International's existence, they gathered around them a whole galaxy of workers' leaders, devoted and gifted people. Marx and Engels constantly expanded their international contacts, especially with the Germans - primarily with Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel.
Marx is constantly portrayed as an “armchair revolutionary” who never left the reading room of the British Museum. As can be seen from his work in the International, this is, of course, nonsense. Although Marx emphasized the importance of theory, without which a revolutionary movement is unthinkable, he considered theory and practice inseparable. Theory without practice is a knife without a blade. Years of practical work in the International are clear confirmation of this view.
Height
By 1870, sections of the International existed in more than ten countries. Organizationally they were still weak, and many had to work semi-legally, and sometimes underground. The sphere of influence of the International and its ideas, however, immeasurably exceeded the number of sections: tens and sometimes hundreds of thousands of workers participated in its campaigns. At that time, the bourgeoisie trembled before the specter of communism in the face of the International.
The growing influence of the International attracted anarchists who played a negative and destructive role in its work. At first, the anarchist leader Bakunin tried to organize his own revolutionary association in Italy. He then moved to Switzerland and was elected to the leadership of the League for Peace and Freedom. In 1868 he left the League and founded the International Social Democratic Alliance. This body asked the General Council to admit it to the International as a separate organization, with its own constitution and its own program. The General Council categorically refused the request, since it would paralyze the International, but agreed, however, to recognize local groups if the Alliance was officially dissolved.
Bakunin slyly agreed, but secretly continued to work as before, with the goal of capturing the International. The Bakuninists declared war on God and the state, but their program boiled down to the abolition of the right of inheritance. Bakunin preferred the intelligentsia, students and bourgeois democracy to the working class (that is, the class capable of changing society). Anarchists rejected the struggle of the working class for political power, considering it opportunism. If the anarchist Alliance demanded the “equalization of classes,” the International advocated their complete destruction.
Basel Congress
The first major clash with the anarchists took place at the Basel Congress in September 1869. Their attempt to impose pseudo-revolutionary phrase-mongering on the International could turn it into a sect. Such a condition would alienate members of the International and split the European labor movement. However, this is what they strived for. The Bakuninists incessantly intrigued to undermine the International and overthrow its leadership, starting with Marx. They constantly branded Marx a “dictator” and the General Council “authoritarian”. They even declared Marx to be a spy for Bismarck.
In fact, it was Bakunin's circle that attracted scum of all sorts, including provocateurs and other agents seeking to promote friction and division wherever possible.
Paris Commune
From March 18 to May 29, 1871, Parisian workers seized political power. In Marx's words, they "stormed the sky" and created the embryo of the first workers' state in history. The "old courage" returned, and Marx declared that the General Council unconditionally supported the Communards. Unfortunately, due to the mistakes of its leaders, the Commune was defeated. However, the International came out in his defense. Let sections of the International Working Men's Association in all countries call the working class to action, wrote Marx in the second appeal of the General Council. - If the workers forget their duty, if they remain passive, a real terrible war will become the forerunner of new, even more terrible international wars and will lead in every country to new victories over the workers of the knights of the sword, the lords of the earth and capital. .
As the International began to speak radically, British trade union leaders turned to conservatism. The attacks on the old order by the revolutionary Commune and its supporters, especially the International, frightened them. Therefore, they quickly left the International. At the end of May the last communards were crushed.
“You know that during the last Parisian revolution, the Versailles newspapers (with the participation of Stieber), and after them the local press, constantly vilified me as the “supreme head of the International,” Marx wrote to Kugelman on June 18, 1871. “It [the appeal] evokes a furious uproar, and I have the honor of being at this moment the most maligned and most threatened man in London. This is really great after a boring twenty-year swamp idyll. A government agency, the Observer, is threatening me with legal action. Let them dare! I don't care about these channels!
The International helped refugees from France in every possible way, collecting money and resources. Marx drew an extremely important lesson from the experience of the Commune: “The working class cannot simply take possession of a ready-made state machine and use it for its own purposes.” The old state apparatus must be broken up and replaced by a new workers' state on the model of the Commune.
Engels later wrote:
“Recently, the Social Democratic philistine has again begun to experience saving fear at the words: dictatorship of the proletariat. Do you want to know, dear sirs, what this dictatorship looks like? Look at the Paris Commune. It was the dictatorship of the proletariat."
Conditions
The defeat of the Paris Commune worsened the position of the International. British trade unions withdrew from the General Council. The German movement was subjected to repression: Bebel and Liebknecht were imprisoned. The French labor movement was completely paralyzed. In the International, the French workers were represented by a handful of emigrants, torn apart by bitter factional struggles. This poisoned atmosphere captured the entire General Council.
At the same time, under the influence of defeat, the struggle against the anarchists intensified. Jenny Marx, Marx's daughter, wrote: In a matter of months they launched intrigues in every country. They set to work with such energy that for some time the future of the International was in doubt.
However, Marx and Engels did not give up. Since, due to the onslaught of reaction, another congress became impossible, a conference of the International was held in London in September 1871, where the question of political struggle again arose. Despite the protests of the Bakuninists, they suffered a political defeat. The conference adopted the following resolution:
... in the face of unbridled reaction, which brutally suppresses any attempt at liberation on the part of the workers and seeks, through brutal violence, to maintain class differences and the political domination of the propertied classes that they generate;
pay attention to:
that against the united power of the propertied classes the working class can act as a class only by organizing itself into a special political party opposed to all the old parties created by the propertied classes;
that this organization of the working class into a political party is necessary in order to ensure the victory of the social revolution and the achievement of its ultimate goal - the abolition of classes;
that the unification of forces which the working class has already achieved as a result of the economic struggle must also serve as a lever in its struggle against the political power of the big landowners and capitalists, the conference reminds the members of the International,
that in the struggle of the working class its economic movement and political action are inextricably linked.”
Conflict with Bakunin
Immediately after the conference, the struggle flared up even more intensely. The wounded Bakuninists openly declared war on the General Council and demanded that the congress resolve the differences.
When the congress finally met in The Hague in September 1872, the front line had already been drawn. Marx was present, Bakunin was not. After the debate on political action, the position of the General Council prevailed. The Bakuninists were defeated. Marx subsequently wrote that the history of the International was “the continuous struggle of the General Council against sects and amateurish experiments which sought to gain a foothold within the International itself against the genuine movement of the working class.”
A special commission, having studied all the documents related to the Bakunin Alliance, came to the conclusion that this society continues secret work within the International, and proposed to exclude Bakunin and Guillaume, which was accepted.
At the end of the congress, at the suggestion of Engels, it was decided to move the headquarters of the International to New York. After the change in the political climate in Europe, membership in the International became a crime in many countries.
The rise of capitalism hit the organization hard. The Hague Congress turned out to be the last in the history of the First International. It continued for a few more years, but in 1876 the International Working Men's Association was officially dissolved.
Results
The historical cause of the International, its program and principles, educated the proletariat in the spirit of proletarian internationalism and served to strengthen the labor movement in a number of countries. In Germany, this process culminated in 1869, with the founding of the first political party to unite workers on the basis of Marxism. This became the catalyst. Shortly after Marx's death, the labor movement was reborn.
By 1886 there was talk of creating a new International. The work of Marx and Engels in the First International, as they foresaw, bore fruit. In July 1889, the Second International was born, this time consisting of mass parties of the working class, recognizing the ideas of Marxism.
It is this revolutionary international program, tradition and method of Marx - like an unbroken thread - that remain the principles of the International Marxist Tendency to this day.